Introduction
General context
Located on the west coast of Africa, the Republic of Ghana has a population of about 32 million people; majority of whom live in urban areas where the food environments are rapidly changing. In 2015, Ghana achieved the Millennium Development Goal 1 Target 1C – of halving, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people who suffer from hunger. Ghana is currently on course to achieve the stunting-related sub-target of Sustainable Development Goal 2, which is to achieve a 5% reduction in the number of stunted children by 2025. Life expectancy at birth is 61 years for men and 64 years for women. Mortality among children under-5 years and women of reproductive age has declined steadily over the last two decades but still remains unacceptably high. A high burden of infectious disease and malnutrition in all its forms (undernutrition, micronutrient deficiencies and an emerging epidemic of diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are the key drivers of mortality.
Public health nutrition context
In the past two decades, Ghana has witnessed significant improvements in childhood undernutrition. Among children under-5 years, stunting rate (indicative of chronic undernutrition) has declined from 28% in 2008 to a current rate of 19% in 2014; acute undernutrition (wasting) has been halved to the current 5%. Among adult women of reproductive age, anaemia rates have declined from about 60% in 2008 to 42% in 2014.1 Notwithstanding such reductions, the current rates of anaemia in both women (42%) and children under-5 (66%) remain above acceptable public health thresholds. Data from the Ghana Demographic and Health Survey show that overweight and obesity rates among adult women have skyrocketed from 10% in 1993 to 40% in 2014.1 The rates are higher in urban areas where the food environments are rapidly changing. There is a relatively low but increasing rate of obesity among children <5 years—3%1 and 17% among children aged 9–15 years old and living in urban Ghana.2 Other local studies report a very high prevalence of overweight/obesity among Ghanaian children2–4 and adults.5 Ranging from 16%2 3 to 46%4—for children, and 25% to 47% for adults.5
It has been estimated that over one-third of all adult deaths are due to NCDs6 while the risk of premature death from select NCDs is 15%.7 Such increases in rates of other diet-related NCDs such as hypertension, diabetes and cardiovascular disease7 amidst undernutrition and chronic food insecurity means that Ghana is experiencing multiple burdens of malnutrition. While the causes of overweight, obesity and other diet-related NCDs are complex and with multiple interacting determinants, dietary factors such as excessive consumption of calorie-dense nutrient-poor foods are paramount. Urgent actions are needed, as the economic, and public health impacts of inaction are incalculable.6 8–10
Policy context
Since Ghana became independent in 1957, there has been demonstrated political commitments to address malnutrition, particularly food insecurity and undernutrition. Local efforts to address food insecurity and undernutrition include the development of various legislations, regulations, policies, strategies and programmes.11 12 Significant efforts to address nutrition-related NCDs did not begin until the past decade. In 2012, the Ministry of Health (MOH) published the first ever national NCDs policy and accompanying strategy.7 The 2022 version of the policy refers to interventions (including regulating advertisement of unhealthy foods and non-alcoholic beverages, particularly to children), limiting the level of trans fats and salt in industrially processed food as well as food-related health taxes.13 Other ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) have shown their support to addressing the problem of NCDs. In 2019, an interministerial dialogue produced a government ‘consensus statement’ that acknowledged the value of improving the Ghanaian food environments to deliver healthy diets and better nutrition. Participating in the dialogue, H.E., First Lady of the Republic of Ghana, called for a paradigm shift that repositions the Ghanaian food systems from ‘feeding’’ the population to ‘nourishing’’ them. In 2021, H.E., the President of the Republic of Ghana, expressed Ghana’s commitment to transforming its food systems by 2030, so as to assure sustainable healthy diets. Among several targets to be achieved, are development and implementation of food-based dietary guidelines by 2022; updating, and consolidating local food composition databases; and development of a nutrient profiling system to facilitate implementation of several food-based policies.
Currently available, although with sparse implementation (particularly in Africa), are several evidence-based interventions that can reduce the burden of NCDs among populations. These include the WHO Best Buys14 (eg, increasing excise taxes and prices on tobacco products, and on alcoholic beverages, front-of-pack labelling of food products), so-called due to their cost-effectiveness and feasibility for combating NCDs in low and middle income countries. Reducing sugar consumption through effective taxation on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) is considered an effective intervention.14 15 In Ghana, stakeholders across multiple agencies have endorsed the WHO Best Buys for controlling exposure to harmful products such as alcohol, tobacco and unhealthy diets.12 In 2004, Ghana ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.16 Subsequently advertising bans for tobacco were implemented, as well as an increase in tobacco taxes, and designation of limited smoke-free locations (including government buildings and vehicles and other public spaces like hotels). In 2017, a National Alcohol Policy17 was launched to regulate production, distribution, sale, advertisement and consumption of alcohol. The policy identified priority strategies for the reduction of alcohol-related harms. These strategies included taxation, regulating availability and marketing of alcohol.
Tax-related NCD prevention interventions have existed for tobacco (since 2004) and alcohol (since 2017). Those linked to unhealthy diets such as SSB tax was recently introduced (in April 2023). Currently, the following are some of the regulations/laws governing administration of excise duty in Ghana. Excise Duty Act, 2014 (Act 878); Excise tax Stamp Act, 2013 (Act 873); Excise Duty Regulations, 2016 (L.I. 2242); Excise Tax Stamp Regulations 2016, (L.I. 2241); Revenue Administration Act, 2016 (Act 915); and Excise Duty Amendment Act (Act 1093).
Due to their potential to improve population health and raise revenue, there is significant and growing interest in SSB taxes among policymakers worldwide. Focusing on just SSB taxes, the WHO reported that some 85 countries and jurisdictions (including subnational levels) have levied taxes on SSBs.18 Recently the World Bank Group report that SSB taxes are in effect across all World Bank regions, including national level taxes in more than 100 countries and territories.19 Although there is considerable global evidence on the positive impact of fiscal interventions (including food-related health taxes) on public health,15 20 implementation of such interventions in Africa is currently sparse.12 15 19 21 The African countries that have enacted SSB taxes include South Africa, Mauritius, Seychelles, Morocco, Botswana, Nigeria, and recently Ghana. The policy has been implemented and evaluated in several countries in Europe, Latin American and the Caribbean. In 2014, Mexico introduced a tax of 10% or 1-peso-per-litre tax on beverages containing added sugar. An analysis of Mexican sugary beverage sales showed about 6% reduction in purchased volume relative to pre-tax trends over the first year of the tax, and a 9.7% decrease in 2015.22 The largest decrease in purchases was among the most socioeconomically disadvantaged. Implemented since October 2014, the Chilean SSB tax (18% ad valorem tax on sugary drinks containing >6.25 g sugar/100 mL) was able to reduce the monthly purchased volume of the higher taxed, sugary soft drinks by 21.6%.23
Our Coalition aimed to valorise and increase demand for these policies through advocacy and scholar activism. The Coalition’s motivations, ideology and goals are briefly outlined. The Coalition was formed to contribute to efforts that address the high and rising burden of undernutrition, NCDs in Ghana. Aware that data poverty and policy inertia present critical challenges, the coalescing of the efforts of academia, civil society organisations and public health associations, was required to address these problems. The Coalition aimed to address data poverty through research and evidence synthesis, and policy inertia through advocacy and sensitisation. Members of the Coalition have similar policy belief systems and philosophy, which is:
If the government of Ghana implements comprehensive policy measures - a mix of low agency and high agency food environment policy measures to inform and empower consumers; to guide and influence consumers; to incentivize the consumption of healthier foods, and to discourage/ disincentivize consumption of unhealthy foods, then food actors (eg, producers and consumers) will make immediate or strategic decisions to reduce availability, attractiveness and consumption of such less healthy foods, or increase availability, attractiveness, and consumption of healthier foods.
Given its manifold applications, a nutrient profiling model (NPM) was chosen as a tool to facilitate the implementation of these policies. The numerous applications of the NPM in the food systems (eg, agricultural policies; international trade policy; food manufacturers and processors; catering in healthcare facilities for patients, staff and visitors; in food marketing and promotion, packaging and labelling; in school food environment; fiscal policies (eg, taxes, and subsidies) have been detailed elsewhere (See McColl et al). Of note, to effectively assess the impact of the policies, existing data and monitoring gaps need to be addressed.