U.S. Families' Adoption of Chinese Daughters: A Narrative Analysis of Family Themes in Children's Books

Adoptive Family Development Theory

According to family development theory, there is an order to the phases of family formation, growth, and maintenance (Duvall, 1988). Within each phase, families face specific developmental tasks that should be addressed. Families that manage these tasks successfully are likely to achieve wellness and have more resources for the next phase. Since its original inception, variations in family development theory have emerged (Laszloffy, 2002). Some colleagues have argued that there are specific developmental processes that are unique to certain family structures (Ceballo, Lansford, Abbey, & Stewart, 2004). Such processes might not easily fit or are invisible in the original theory.

Based on clinical and empirical practice on older child (domestic) adoption, Pinderhughes (1996) generated a conceptual model of family development. More specifically, she delineated four phases of adoptive family formation. During the anticipation phase, adults engage in the application and preplacement process. They make the decision to become adoptive parents and focus on preparations. These preparations include practical (e.g., completing forms) tasks. Similar to biological parents (e.g., Cowdrey & Knudson-Martin, 2005), the phase also includes psychological tasks, such as constructing a vision of motherhood and fatherhood. Families also assess the degree of support or stress that they might receive in their social environments. If children are old enough to be aware of the adoption, then they also engage in psychological preparation to join a family. If families have children prior to adoption, then they will either become siblings for the first time or add new siblings when the adoption occurs. Similar to the addition of a second child for biological families (Kramer & Ramsburg, 2002), pre-adoptive siblings are affected by the preparations.

The accommodation phase begins when the adoptee and adoptive family members are joined together, or what Pinderhughes (1996) identified as relational entries. There can be variations in this process, such that some families and children have immediately positive interactions (easy entries), some have distressful interactions (chaotic entries), and some have distant or subdued interactions (hesitant entries). If families and adopted children did not have pre-adoption visits during the anticipation phase, then their first encounters with each other occur during accommodation. All adoptive family members are learning about each other and establishing communication patterns during this phase.

The resistance phase can occur when the initial excitement of adoption has ended. Similar to romantic relationships, adoptive families face the (a) end of a honeymoon period and (b) beginning of the mundane nature of daily life (Wind, Brooks, & Barth, 2007). Family members interact with each other so extensively that their weaknesses or problems become apparent. If there is disillusionment or there are serious problems, then adoptees or adoptive parents might consider reversing the adoption (e.g., relinquishing parental rights and returning child to institutional care). If families are able to endure resistance and make adjustments, then they enter the restabilization phase (Pinderhughes, 1996). During this phase, adoptive families have renewed their commitment to remain together, but also established a lifestyle that is workable for their circumstances. The restabilized families might be quite different from their original vision (Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes, 2002), but families can find or create a “new normal” that best fits their specific situations.

It is not yet clear whether this domestic adoption model is a good fit for international adoptions. It is possible that the parental tasks occur differently for internationally adoptive families. For example, parents' efforts to comfort adoptees might be unsuccessful if these children have never heard English. In addition, adoptees might have challenges (e.g., developmental delays, disabilities, psychological disorders) that could hinder relationship development with adoptive families (McGuinness & Pallansch, 2000; Tan, 2010). Pre-adoption adversity has been associated with a higher risk of behavioral problems for international adoptees (e.g., Miller, 2005). Research on adoptive parents indicated that in response to children's crying or withdrawal, fathers were more stressed and mothers had more concerns about their parenting skills (Judge, 2003). Under such conditions, parents might seek resources for adoption preparation or adjustment (Goldberg & Smith, 2008). One such resource might be books. If parents utilize books to address family formation issues with their children, then it is important to examine the information contained within such books (Kramer & Ramsburg, 2002).

Content Analysis of Children's Books

Fictional books provide substantial social messages about identity, relationships, and family membership (Anderson & Hamilton, 2005; Lukenbill, 1981). Given that children have limited life experience, they might rely more heavily (than adults) on books as a source of information about themselves and others. Indeed, Ayres (2004) noted that books can be perceived by families and children as a source of law, which defines what is proper, accurate, and important. For adoptive siblings, children's books might be a tool to help them prepare for the (a) length and tedium of the adoption process and (b) initial meeting with a new sibling from China. For adoptees, these stories might serve a retrospective function. Parallel to biological birth stories, adoptees might have no memories of their entry into the U.S. families. In addition, it might be difficult or impossible to learn of their biological families in China (Ponte et al., 2010). Therefore, the children's books become a way to understand some aspects of the family transition.

Fictional books have been positively reviewed in Adoptive Families (a Parents' Choice Award-winning magazine). The reviewers noted that the books address adoption in a realistic manner. Books have also been recommended by adoption organizations (e.g., Families with Children in China; China Adoption with Love). It is possible that these storybooks are recommended because they have some ecological validity with actual adoption processes.

Prior research on children's books has examined themes of racial and ethnic identity (Roethler, 1998), gender or sex identity (Diekman & Murnen, 2004), and visibility of family members (Anderson & Hamilton, 2005). In comparison to ethnicity or gender, fewer studies have focused on adoption books. For example, Grice (2005) examined family themes in four children's books and three adult books about adoption of Chinese children. These studies have been helpful, but there has been little consistency in the types of books (e.g., reader age, country of adoption, family developmental phase) that were analyzed. Thus, it is not clear whether inconsistencies are due to methodological issues or true diversity in adoptive story issues. Under these conditions, additional analysis of developmental processes within children's books might be warranted.

The purpose of this study was to examine the relevance of Pinderhughes' (1996) adoptive family conceptual model to children's books. Given the prevalence of adoption of Chinese daughters by U.S. families (in actuality and literature), the books were limited to this type of family. As the books focused on family formation, there was insufficient time (in the plot timelines) for the resistance and restabilization phases to occur. Thus, this study addressed the following research question: To what extent are the anticipation and accommodation phases represented in young children's fictional books about U.S.-China adoptive family formation?

Sample of Children's Books

To identify the books for inclusion in this study, we explored a variety of venues. We were seeking to identify books that could be read by adoptive families, so all venues (e.g., libraries, websites) were accessible to the general public. Similar to prior studies (e.g., Coleman & Nickleberry, 2009; Kramer & Ramsburg, 2002), book searches were conducted via online venders (Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Borders). Searches were also conducted (in person) at bookstores and libraries in three regions of the United States. It was also possible to find lists of recommended books in online magazines and periodicals (e.g., Publishers Weekly, about.com [keywords: adoption/foster care], Parents Magazine, Adoptive Families Online Magazine). A search was also conducted of the listing of award-winning children's books (e.g., Newberry Medal, Caldecott Medal). In addition, adoption websites (e.g., Families with Children from China [FCC], adoptiveparent.com, adoption.com) were also perused. Finally, some parents listed book recommendations in their public websites or blogs about adoption. From all of these sources, a list of over 40 books was generated.

To be included in the data analysis, each book had to meet several criteria. First, the book had to focus on adoption processes among human families rather than animal families (animal adoption is common in children's stories). Second, it had to focus on adoption of children from China by U.S. parents. By limiting the focus exclusively to Chinese adoption, we worked to assure that any variations between the books was not due to birth country or culture (e.g., Russia, Ethiopia). Third, each book had to be identified as written for a preschool-kindergarten audience. This criterion was important, as these books might serve as a child's first stories about adoption (Grice, 2005) and can address cultural and ethnic issues that families face (Roethler, 1998). (Similar to other studies that examine social issues within media [e.g., Ayres, 2004; Kelly, 2002; White, 2005], this study did not examine all of the adoption books that exist. There are a variety of texts written at the preschool, adolescent, and adult level. The book formats [e.g., autobiography, photographic essay], however, expand as the age range expands. In addition, the emphasis on adoption can become relatively less important as other relational and identity themes [e.g., adolescent romance] emerge. A few fictional books appear to be written at the adolescent age [e.g., Liu's The Great Call of China], but this subsample of books was too small to be coded. Thus, the inclusion of fictional books written beyond the preschool-kindergarten age range would have undermined the consistency in research standards for this study.) This criterion did not focus on children's reading level, but rather the age appropriateness of books that parents can read with children. Finally, the book must be printed in English and published after 1995 in order to maximize the likelihood of easy access for U.S. families.

Description of Books

A total of 24 books were identified as meeting the inclusion criteria (see the Appendix ). No books meeting the criteria were found for boys adopted from China, which is consistent with the trends reported for actual adoptions (U.S. Department of State, 2011). Thus, all books portrayed young girls who were adopted from China. Two books contained dual stories. One book portrayed the adoptive family's journey to China and adoptive daughters' journey (from the orphanage to the hotel) as parallel but separate stories. Another book portrayed the adoptive mother and pre-adoptive son's perceptions of the process as two separate stories. Thus, the 24 books contained a total of 26 adoption stories. The books were published between 1997 and 2009; only two books were published before 2000. The mean length was 24.5 pages (range = 13 – 33 pages). For this study, only the text of the stories was coded. Given that the illustrations varied extensively, a focus on text might enhance interrater consistency.

Within the 26 stories, a total of 28 adoptive families were represented (one book portrayed four families engaged in adoptions simultaneously). Twenty-two families were Caucasian, one family was Asian Canadian, and five families did not have a clear racial or ethnic identification. In reference to family structure, 18 families had two heterosexual parents, 1 family had lesbian parents, 7 families had female single parents, and 2 families did not have a clear structure. Eight stories had other children in the household prior to the first adoption (pre-adoptive siblings), whereas 18 stories presented that there were no pre-adoptive siblings. The presence or absence of siblings was not clear in two stories. Five stories indicated that more than one daughter from China had been adopted (simultaneously or sequentially) into the families.

Across the books, a variety of author perspectives were used (e.g., adoptive parent, sibling, adoptee, third-person narrator). This variety provided multiple representations of the same adoption phases. The stories were written in current (what is happening in each phase) or retrospective (how the adoption occurred) form. Most books showed adoptions occurring or having occurred when the child was an infant (N = 25 children).

Of the 24 books, 18 were written by adults whose children or grandchildren were adopted. None of the stories were treated as specific accounts of their adoption experiences, but the books were often noted to be inspired by their experiences. In the other 6 books, authors did not note their own adoption experiences. Yet, these authors often thanked adoptive families for input on the books. Thus, it is possible that the authors had realistic resources from which to draw (in creation of the fictional stories).

Coding

In qualitative studies, open coding is commonly used when researchers are seeking to detect emergent themes. The researchers might not be looking for specific themes (e.g., Miles & Huberman, 1984). Rather, they are pursuing an unfiltered analysis of topics or issues. In this way, their data analysis approach is exploratory (e.g., Turner, Young, & Black, 2006). In contrast, researchers can take a confirmatory approach in which they engage in pattern or directional coding (Miles & Huberman, 1984). This approach is used to identify whether specific themes or elements are evident in the data (e.g., interview transcripts, magazine articles). The themes are determined before data analysis begins. This use of predetermined codes is appropriate for qualitative research that is based on a conceptual framework (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005).

For the present study, the coding scheme was based on the adoptive family development model (e.g., Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes, 2002; Pinderhughes, 1996). The scheme focused on the model's first two phases (anticipation and accommodation). For each phase, a general description and specific elements were identified from the adoption literature (e.g., Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes, 2002; Ceballo et al., 2004; Tan, 2010; Wind et al., 2007). For example, elements of the anticipation phase included practical (e.g., applications, travel) and psychological (e.g., developing a parental identity) tasks. The anticipation phase included the tasks that occurred prior to the first meeting (between adoptive parents and adoptees). The accommodation phase began at the first meeting and ended after families had returned to the United States.

Coding sheets were developed for each book. The sheets allowed the researchers to record whether elements of each phase were evident. Pilot coding was initially conducted with a subset of eight books. We each coded the books independently, and interrater reliability was less than 80%. We discussed the coding process and identified a discrepancy as to when the shift from anticipation to accommodation occurred. We refined our definition of this shift and then coded each book in its entirety. For each page of each book, we identified whether elements of the anticipation or accommodation phase could be clearly identified. After this process was complete, we met to discuss the codes that we had allocated for each book. The data were triangulated with a third coder. (This colleague was unfamiliar with the conceptual model that was used to guide this study. She was simply asked to identify the (a) pre-adoptive tasks and (b) postadoptive tasks portrayed in seven stories within the books. For this subset of books, the colleague matched 84% of the quotes that we identified for the anticipation phase and 87% of accommodation phase quotes.)

Cohen's (1960) kappa was computed to assess the degree of agreement between the coders. The kappa statistic takes into account the proportion of agreement that might be expected simply by chance, so it is a stringent measure of interrater consistency (e.g., Landis & Koch, 1977). The kappa for the anticipation phase was .96; the kappa for the accommodation phase was .94.

Anticipation

Pinderhughes (1996) describes anticipation as encompassing both preplacement activities and psychological preparations. It is during this time that potential parents will develop an idea of the future families (after the adoption is completed). Parents make multiple investments (cognitive, behavioral, and financial) as they seek children (who are often unknown to them in international adoptions). In addition, they might consider the degree of support that they will receive from extended family and friends.

Elements of the anticipation phase were apparent in 75% of the books. For example, some parents viewed their lives as incomplete before the adoption: During a daughter-mother discussion, the daughter recalls what her mother had mentioned about a pre-adoption nursery: “I did come from China. That was the country where I was born. Mommy talked very slowly. Did I remember the empty crib? she asked. She had not been able to have a baby because she was too old” (Peacock, 2000).

Other parents mentioned a “missing phenomenon”: “Far away across the ocean was a woman who also had many friends, but she was missing something, too—a baby. That woman was me” (Lewis, 2000); “Across the ocean, far away, a mother and father whose children were getting older missed the sight of little hands and chubby legs. ‘We have room to spare,’ the father said. ‘Our family's not complete. We need a baby here—a little girl’” (Coste, 2006).

Incompleteness or desire for a child is not, however, sufficient for international adoption. Rather, adoptive parents have to endure arduous application processes. The books addressed their efforts in a credible manner. These efforts could be interpreted as a degree of parental investment, which they were willing to make during the anticipation process: “I wrote a letter to officials in China and asked if I could adopt one of the babies who lived in the big room. Months later, I received a letter with a picture of a beautiful baby girl . . . that was you. The people in China said I could adopt you if I promised to take good care of you. I promised I would” (Lewis, 2000). “Every day the daddy went to work, but the mommy stayed very busy at home. She called it ‘paperwork.’ She wrote words and signed her name on papers. She sent money to people. She made telephone calls to people far away, and then she waited for them to call her back” (Regier, 2004). In one book, a mother explained some application details to a pre-adoptive sibling: “‘There are a lot of things we need to do first. When a baby gets adopted, the people in charge of her have to make sure that she is going to a good family.’ ‘But we are a good family.’ ‘Yes, I know but we need to send papers that will show that to the people of China. We'll get our fingerprints taken and get copies of our birth certificates and marriage license, so they'll know who we are. And we have to fill out a lot of forms.’” (Stoeke, 2005).

Given the investment required for international adoption, parents expressed excitement when notification of an approval was received: “My hands were trembling as I opened the envelope. . . . She lived in an orphanage on the outskirts of a city in China. ‘Please come soon,’ the letter said. Yes! I was so excited that I jumped up and down all around the yard. ‘Hooray!’ cheered our friends and neighbors” (Thomas, 2004).

Another element of anticipation is thinking about new relationships formed by the inclusion of a Chinese daughter. Consistent with Brodzinsky and Pinderhughes (2002), this process can occur for children as well as parents. In one book, a pre-adoptive son used a photograph to begin conceptualizing a sibling relationship: “At last I get to see May's face. The adoption agent calls and says, ‘Look at your computer!’ . . . We leave her picture on the computer screen all the time. I look at her a lot. She starts to really seem like my sister after I have looked at her about a hundred times” (Stoeke, 2005).

In addition, the books noted resources provided by social network members. Emotional resources were indicated by support of international adoption. For example, friends and neighbors yelled “hooray” when an adoption letter was received (see Thomas quote listed above). In contrast, practical resources were indicated by the provision of items (e.g., nursery supplies) or daily care of pre-adoptive siblings. The books were consistent with support research on actual adoptive families (Goldberg & Smith, 2008).

For example, one book described a pre-adoption baby shower: “There was a party before we left to find you. All our friends wanted to celebrate with us. They gave you dresses, dolls, a tutu to dance in, an easel to paint on—so many things” (McMahon & McCarthy, 2005). Another book described the sibling care provided by grandparents: “Finally, the day came for Matthew's parents to fly to China and get Mingmei. Grammy and Gramps and Matthew took them to the airport. ‘We'll see you in two weeks!’ said Mom and Dad. Grammy and Gramps and Matthew waved goodbye. Matthew decided to make a ‘Welcome Home’ present for Mingmei. He wanted to make her a book about how she came to be a part of his family. He asked Grammy to type the words on the computer” (Kennedy, 2006). In addition to facilitating the parents' travel to China, the grandparents participated in the boy's emotional preparation for inclusion of a sister.

The final element of anticipation was the travel to China (to complete the adoption). In contrast to domestic adoptions, adoptive parents and children are separated by thousands of miles. Adults travel to meet their adopted daughters and finalize legal requirements. This travel represents another significant investment of time, energy, and finances: An adoptive mother learns Chinese phrases during a trans-Pacific flight: “Jessica Suzuki listened to a tape and practiced the words she would say. ‘Wo shi ni de mama,’ she whispered, ‘I am Mommy’. ‘Wo ai ni,’ she said softly. ‘I love you.’ . . . As night fell, the planes got closer to China ‘Wo shi ni de mamma,’ Jessica whispered” (Okimoto & Aoki, 2002). After the flight, extensive travel demands remained: “After I arrived in China, I traveled on smaller planes, and then on trains, buses, and taxicabs. Two days and three nights later, I reached the orphanage” (Thomas, 2004).

In one story, a single mother adopted three daughters at different times. Family members traveled together for the last adoption. Thus, this is a return to their first country for the older daughters: “Our family is very special—At least, my mommy tells me so. For all three daughters were adopted from China, several years ago. . . . So back to China we all went, to Hong Kong, and then to China. We got to see our native homeland—an experience we will treasure forever” (Schaumberg & Schaumberg, 2007).

Accommodation

According to Pinderhughes (1996), the second phase begins when the adopted child physically enters the family. The expectations that adoptive family members held in the anticipation phase might be confirmed or dismissed when they and adoptees meet for the first time. As books portrayed all adoptees as young children, they had little or no preparation for the first interactions. Thus, the adoptive parents faced challenges of meeting the children's emotional needs. Elements of accommodation were identified in 79% of the books.

Many books addressed the moment when adoptive Chinese girls and families met in person. This meeting process is consistent with Pinderhughes' (1996) explanation of relational entries. Across books, all three forms of entry were portrayed. An easy entry was seen when family members had pleasant first encounters: “And then the daddy took Li Li on his lap. He bounced her on his knee and said, ‘Hupps, hupps, hupps.’ The mommy took Bei Bei on her lap and sang softly. Bei Bei couldn't understand the strange words. Not yet. But she thought the music was very pretty” (Regier, 2004).

Some bonding moments occurred when adults provided parenting care: “My new Mommy hugged me and kissed me and gave me a bath. We splashed and we laughed and had a great time. After my bath, while she was drying me off, I could see love in her eyes. So I gave it right back” (Shemin, 2003). “Then he wrapped me snugly in my quilted blanket and carried me away. I heard a scary sound and felt the plane rise into the air, but the man held me tight and sang to me again. We crossed water so wide and blue I thought it would never end. Day became night. And as the man fed me milk that was warm and sweet, I watched his face. I never blinked” (Molnar-Fention, 1998).

A staggered process for easy entry was also described. Parents met the daughters in China, but some siblings did not meet each other until arrival at U.S. airports. Two books described siblings' initial reactions: “I was also glad they brought home my new baby sister. She was even softer and sweeter than I had imagined. I loved her the moment I saw her. And I told little Anna so” (Petertyl, 1997). “Matthew leaned down in front of the stroller. He looked at Mingmei and said, ‘Hi, little sister.’ Mingmei looked at Matthew for a moment. Then she smiled a great big smile. She had four teeth! She clapped her hands together and laughed. Right then and there, Matthew decided that his new adopted sister was not only smart, she was beautiful too!” (Kennedy, 2006).

Not all adoption meetings were easy, however. Initial meetings could be frightful for a child, particularly if adoptive parents were from a different country. Consistent with this viewpoint, some books displayed chaotic relational entries in new biethnic families: “Finally Mei Mei was brought to us. She was scared, upset, and began to cry. I offered her my Rachel [a stuffed bear] to calm her down” (Young, 2006). “A woman handed you to me and said, ‘Here is your mommy.’ I hugged you. Daddy stood very close. Conor put his hand on your back. You looked at us. And then you started screaming. A big scream. A big ‘Get-me-out-of here!’ scream” (McMahon & McCarthy, 2005).

These difficulties sometimes continued for hours after the initial family meeting: “All day long I tried to comfort you. . . . I walked you back and forth, singing all the sweet lullabies I could remember. But they were unfamiliar melodies, and you couldn't understand the words. Nothing I did consoled you” (Thomas, 2004).

Similar to actual adoptions, it is possible for differential entries to occur among family members. In one story, a father had traveled to China while the mother remained in the United States. The father had an easy entry and built a quick bond with his adopted daughter. The child, however, reacted differently toward the mother upon their first meeting in a U.S. airport: “At the end of our journey, a woman with eyes as round and gray as pearls waited for us. She gave us both a great big hug and laughed and cried at the same time. I turned away and watched her from the corner of my eye” (Molnar-Fention, 1998).

Regardless of how the initial entry was portrayed, no parents were portrayed as trying to relinquish the adoption. Rather, some parents and adopted daughters described this phase as a time when they become a “forever” family: “They waited and waited. It seemed like forever. . . . Andrea Lee and Charlotte Appleford met Li Shen. . . . Jessica and Howard Suzuki met Chun Mei Ni. At last they held their babies. They smiled and laughed. Then Charlotte Appleford cried tears of joy. So did Howard Suzuki. Next they fed their daughters. It was as if they'd always been theirs” (Okimoto & Aoki, 2002). “Right then, the lives of three people were joined together. The man became an adoptive dad. The woman became an adoptive mom. The little girl became their adopted daughter. They became a family. . . . The house seemed more complete. Their hearts seemed more full. Everyone was happy. The mom and dad had become a forever family, and they loved their little daughter” (Busby, 2005). “I had finally found my forever family. I finally had my forever mom and my forever [toy] hippo” (Shemin, 2003).

In contrast to Brodzinsky and Pinderhughes' (2002) focus on domestic adoption, there are country departure issues in international adoption. Parents have to follow official procedures to finalize the adoption. Two books acknowledged the paperwork that had to be completed before the newly formed family left China. Similar to pre-adoption efforts, these tasks are indicative of parental investment: “Then we met officials at the provincial office of your hometown. . . . We signed papers to have permission to take you home with us” (Koh, 2000). “Then, after signing all the papers, which took a long time, they left with their babies. As they walked down the street in the city of Guangzhou in the province of Guangdong, the fog began to lift and the sun broke through the mist” (Okimoto & Aoki, 2002). One mother obliquely indicated that leaving China was a loss of country for her new daughter: “I kept thinking that this was your last day in your first home. I was hoping you would like your new home” (McMahon & McCarthy, 2005).

In addition to the nuclear family, adoption represents a change for the extended family network. In the formation of biethnic or multiethnic families through international adoption, overt support might be salient (e.g., Vonk, 2001). Several books described supportive network interactions upon return to the United States. This support represents acceptance of the newly formed family unit: “At the airport your grandparents, aunts and uncles waited for us. When they met us, I was holding you in my arms. They all surrounded you and said, ‘Hi, Sweetie! Welcome home!’” (Koh, 2000). “When we finally landed, your new grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and friends were waiting for you with lots of hugs and kisses. Everyone wanted to look at you. Your smallest cousin gently touched your little hand” (Lewis, 2000). “A few days later, we traveled home. Our friends and neighbors met us at the door. ‘Welcome home!’ everybody cheered” (Thomas, 2004). “Flowers, cards, and presents arrived. More and more people came to visit you” (Lewis, 2000). Thus, both pre-adoptive (during anticipation) and postadoptive (during accommodation) network resources were noted.

There were no distinct portrayals of the resistance or restabilization phases in the books. Thus, these phases were not coded in this study. It is entirely possible that these phases are represented in either books (a) written for older children or (b) about children adopted from other countries (e.g., Guatemala). The anticipation and accommodation phases, however, appear to be well represented and relevant to the stories.

Anticipation

Aspects of anticipation were apparent. No book treated adoption as a random event. Rather, each book presented an intentionality to the formation of biethnic or multiethnic families (through international adoption). Few books addressed the parents' initial motivations (e.g., why they wanted to adopt). When this issue was addressed, it was framed as (a) the adults were missing something in their lives and (b) the adopted children made the parents and families complete. Thus, there was an implication of mutuality in which the adoptive families and adopted children needed each other. This was in contrast to rescue themes, in which adoptive parents save international children (through adoption). In research on actual adoptions (e.g., Miall, 1987), some parents find the rescue perspective to be offensive because it implies that the adopted children are inferior. Thus, some adoptive families more strongly align themselves with the mutuality perspective.

Two books (Coste, 2006; Peacock, 2000) specifically noted that the parents had either (a) attempted to have biological children and were unsuccessful or (b) had biological adult children and wanted a young child. These empty crib or empty nest issues are consistent with the “as if” narrative. According to Grice (2005), this narrative indicates that biological children are the best way to form families and adoption is a secondary choice. Thus, adoption is treated as if it is not quite as good as biological family formation. This theme is relevant to an international adoption, as children might draw the implication that multiethnic families were not the first choice. Rather, parents' first choice might have been monoethnic families (through biological parenthood).

Regardless of initial motives, the books demonstrated that families were significantly engaged in the application process. Parents were portrayed as dedicating effort to the applications, and some minutiae (e.g., fingerprints) were noted. Although it was not explicitly stated, some books portrayed the application process as occurring over a 1 – 2-year period (e.g., via cycles of seasons [summer, winter] or holidays). When travel to China was depicted, it was described as lengthy and sometimes uncomfortable. The stories reveal the depth of parental investment that was made on adoptees' behalf. In some ways, the investment might be greater than is required for biological children. Thus, these elements can counterbalance the “as if” narrative by indicating the parents' persistent (and enacted) desire to form biethnic families. For pre-adoptive siblings, the stories can provide a more realistic sense of the timeline and tasks that they might experience. This realism might reduce frustration (with the process) that could be inaccurately directed toward the adoptee (e.g., “I want a sister now. Why does she keep us waiting?”). This reduction might foster an easier transition into sibling relationships.

When the books portrayed reactions by social network members (e.g., friends, grandparents, neighbors), the reactions were uniformly positive. Across the books, members provided both emotional (e.g., cheers) and practical (e.g., baby showers) support in adoption preparations. The books typically indicated that members were aware that children were being adopted from China. Thus, the reactions were not in response to monoethnic or domestic adoption. Rather, network members shared and validated the adoptive families' positive view of international adoption.

Accommodation

Similar to anticipation, various elements of the accommodation phase were evident. Each book portrayed only one type of relational entry, even if more than one child was being adopted simultaneously. In easy entries, the adoptees and families interact well and begin making connections. Indeed, “interactions might be more positive than expected” (Pinderhughes, 1996, p. 119). In chaotic entries, the interactions are more negatively valenced, and moments of distress can escalate. Parents can face the challenges of attempting but failing to meet the children's needs. In hesitant entries, adoptees maintain distance or are reluctant to interact with adoptive family members. The children might overcome these hesitations with time, but it might still be an unanticipated response to which parents must adjust (Pinderhughes, 1996; Vonk, 2001). Across the books, all three types of entry were evident.

Chaotic entries were portrayed in events such as prolonged crying and intense screaming by adoptees. This might simply reflect the adopted daughters' developmental stages (e.g., infancy). In many situations, screaming is not uncommon for young children. In contrast, the portrayals might reflect part of the cultural dissonance within international adoptions. More than one story noted that adopted Chinese daughters could not understand the language (English) being spoken by adoptive families. Thus, parents' efforts to provide comfort might have failed (in part) because the newly joined family members could not understand each other. Only one book (Okimoto & Aoki, 2002) portrayed explicitly that a parent was attempting to learn Chinese phrases. Given the long anticipation phase of international adoption, it is surprising that the value of learning the child's first language was not addressed. The books might be indicating obliquely that parents are not learning the child's Chinese culture. Rather, the child (over time) is expected to adapt to the parents' American culture (including the English language).

It is also noteworthy that other aspects of cultural disparities (between adoptive parents and adoptees) were not addressed in the children's books. The U.S. parents and children might have very different cultural expectations in reference to issues such as food, fashion, interpersonal distance (during conversation), and affective expression (e.g., Docan-Morgan, 2011; Song, 2004). Two of the books mentioned that the children found the parents' physical features (e.g., blond hair, beard) to be unfamiliar to them. Both books, however, moved relatively quickly to close parent-child bonds. It is possible that these (and other) books are supporting a “love is blind” or “love conquers all” theme (e.g., Grice, 2005), in which cultural differences are irrelevant in happy adoptive families.

Another possibility is that such cultural disparities simply did not fit the timeline. Most books ended when adoptive families had returned (from China to the United States). Families were greeted by social network members, and adoptees were settled for their first night in their new home. In the context of so many activities during this transition, it is possible that cultural differences are not given much attention. Rather, such differences might be more salient in later weeks when families try to establish daily routines. This period would be more reflective of Pinderhughes' (1996) resistance phase than the accommodation phase.

Similar to the anticipation phase, social network members were supportive in the accommodation phase. Family and friends were typically portrayed as either (a) meeting adoptive families at the airport or (b) visiting the adoptive families at home. In either place, network members brought gifts, delight, and enthusiasm. Thus, the newly formed biethnic or multiethnic families were seen as part of a larger supportive social environment. In actual international adoptions, network reactions might not be uniformly positive. Individuals might assign a social stigma (e.g., March, 1995; Miall, 1987) or have hostile reactions to international adoption (Docan-Morgan, 2011). Parents often protect their young adopted children from these reactions in the real world (Suter, Reyes, & Ballard, 2011). Similarly, parents and book authors might seek to protect preschool children from such social network members in fictional books.

Weaknesses and Strengths of the Study

The results should be considered within the context of the methodological weaknesses. First, this study focused on fictional books. Although some book authors noted that stories were inspired by their own exposure to adoption, no books were presented as factual accounts. Thus, it is not entirely clear to what extent the books align with adoption realities. In addition, the books represented a very specific form of international adoption (Chinese daughters in U.S. families) and were not selected randomly. Thus, it is not known how the books contrast with other adoptive situations (e.g., adoption of children from Russia, adoption of older boys within the United States). Also, the books were limited to a specific age range (e.g., preschool-kindergarten). It is likely that other complex issues (e.g., ethnic identity, prejudice or marginalization by peers) might be evident in books for adolescents (e.g., Lukenbill, 1981). If these adolescent books provide a lengthy description of adoption adjustment, then it is possible that the latter two stages of resistance and restabilization might be evident. Pinderhughes (1996) noted that these latter stages can take years in actual families, so multiyear stories would likely be necessary for a fuller content analysis of Pinderhughes' adoption model.

In balance, the study also had some strengths. Compared to other narrative studies about adoption books, this study examined more books. This sample made it more likely that common themes would be identified. In addition, uniform criteria were used for book selection to assure that any variations were not due to demographic factors (e.g., gender of adoptee, countries). In addition, the books were coded repeatedly and by more than one researcher. A constant comparative method (Miles & Huberman, 1984) was utilized to increase the coding consistency. Finally, a conceptual model was used to guide the content analysis. The utilization of Pinderhughes' (1996) model enhanced the ecological validity of the analysis. There was no indication that the authors were aware of this specific model or adoption literature (e.g., Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes, 2002) as a guide for their stories. The model, however, seems quite relevant to clinical intervention, research, and public resources (fictional children's books) for adoptive families.

Implications for Future Research

Although children's stories might not be initially considered an appropriate venue for family studies research, stories are a key part of narrative psychology. Narrative psychology explores the ways in which individuals and families use stories to construct their realities (Grotevant, Dunbar, Kohler, & Esau, 2000; Leon, 2002). For young children, stories can be influential for their current status (Whiting & Lee, 2003) and growth into adulthood (White, 2005). Given the potential impact of stories, additional research is warranted. For example, comparative analysis can be conducted to explore books that represent greater diversity in themes, relationships, and time. It is possible that the formation of biethnic or multiethnic families is treated differently in stories about interracial biological parents, remarried families, and adoptive families. Books that represent longer trajectories might capture the latter phases (resistance, restabilization) of Pinderhughes' (1996) model. Methods that have been used to analyze other media formats (e.g., film; Kelly, 2002) can also be examined. Given the option of online and self-publishing, it might also be possible to explore adoption biographies written by children, parents, or families.

Research can also explore the ways in which adoptive families respond to the books. Although researchers have identified themes (through narrative analysis), it is possible that adopted children, pre-adoptive siblings, and/or parents do not interpret themes in the same way (e.g., Raible, 2008). Similar to quantitative studies on adoption news reports (Kline, Karel, & Chatterjee, 2006), researchers could assess the range and frequency of book use (e.g., rank of book preferences, number of hours that parents and children read books together). In addition, it might be possible to conduct qualitative inquiries (Braun & Clarke, 2006) about the meaning that family members assign to books. Particular attention could be paid to the ways in which books facilitated or hindered the formation of biethnic or multiethnic families (via adoption).

In addition, researchers can conduct a content analysis of actual adoptive family biographies. Via interviews or questionnaires, it would be possible to gather information about the experiences of adoptive parents (e.g., Miall, 1987; Suter et al., 2011), adoptees (e.g., Docan-Morgan, 2011), and siblings (Raible, 2008). The family members might reveal information that would not be evident in fictional books.

Implications for Family Practitioners and Service Providers

Given the popularity of books, some families might see books as their first choice for information in addressing international adoption (Song, 2004). They might use books to (a) guide pre-adoptive siblings during the anticipation phase or (b) help adoptees understand their family and identity issues (as an emerging sense of self develops) or both. Under these circumstances, it might be worthwhile for the family practitioners and service providers to familiarize themselves with the publicly accessible children's books. Similar to Coleman and Nickleberry's (2009) evaluation of remarriage self-help books, service providers could generate a ranked list (e.g., good to best) of book recommendations.

In addition, practitioners and service providers could utilize the books as a teaching tool. As part of a broader pre-adoption education program, service providers could ask prospective parents to read and respond to the books. One strength of the books is that they are transparent about the (a) length and complexity of the application process and (b) potential difficulties in relational entries. In addition, the books can be a way to identify misconceptions or fantasies about the adoption process. Texts might be a means to open dialogues among adults who might be hesitant to ask questions or initiate discussions. Books might also give cues as to the types of issues that parents will have to address with adopted children and pre-adoptive siblings. Practitioners can provide supplemental information about issues that are not addressed in the books (e.g., developmental delays).

Books can also be used in postadoption services. If families enter the resistance phase (as described by Pinderhughes, 1996), then they might have difficulties engaging in productive conversations. Both parents and children might be stuck in a pattern of conflictual or avoidant interactions (Docan-Morgan, 2011). One way to assess their relationship status would be to observe family members while they read the books together. These observations might reveal important relational issues (e.g., adoptees' differential bond with mothers and fathers). In addition, practitioners can assess the salience of book themes among family members (e.g., is the adoptee aware of the “as if” narrative? Does the adoptive parent recognize the cultural primacy given to the United States within the books?). In a study of in-law relationships, Turner et al. (2006) noted that some relational problems had developed because of miscommunications that could be easily corrected. A similar process might occur within adoptive families. Under these circumstances, children's books might be one way to clarify issues, address resistance, and move adoptive families toward the restabilization phase.

Finally, practitioners and service providers can utilize books exclusively with children. Books can be an effective way to address sensitive issues (e.g., Goddard, 2011; Pardeck & Pardeck, 1997) if practitioners are conducting groups or providing therapy. Given their limited life experience, young children might not be able to articulate their own feelings about ethnicity or adoption. They might, however, be able to respond to the stimuli that are provided via fiction. Thus, books might help children make sense of their own life stories and pathways.

Conclusion

Stories matter because they help families to define their identity and contextualize their experiences (Suter, 2008). Narratives might be particularly important in the context of family transitions that still face some social stigma. International adoption is one such transition. Under these circumstances, parents might seek resources, such as children's books, to foster adjustment (for adoptees and their siblings). Thus, it is worthwhile for researchers and service providers to understand these books and their potential meaning to families.