Abstract
What do students in England think about school? This article examines the findings of educational research in England on the aspirations and expectations of young people themselves, and how well these are met through schooling. It focuses on the following issues: liking for school; attitudes towards schoolwork; disaffected pupils; attitudes towards teachers; views on the purposes of education; perceptions of parental interest and support; educational aspirations; students’ views on the curriculum; and absence and related factors. It concludes by bringing together and discussing those findings which might well be regarded as positive and those which might instead be regarded as cause for concern.
In order to set these research findings in context, a brief overview of schooling in England is given, followed by information on ways in which educational research is funded and conducted.
Introduction
What do students in England think about school? This article examines the findings of educational research in England on the aspirations and expectations of young people themselves, and how well these are met through schooling. It focuses on the following issues: liking for school; attitudes towards schoolwork; disaffected pupils; attitudes towards teachers; views on the purposes of education; perceptions of parental interest and support; educational aspirations; students’ views on the curriculum; and absence and related factors. It concludes by bringing together and discussing those findings which might well be regarded as positive and those which might instead be regarded as cause for concern.
In order to set these research findings in context, a brief overview of schooling in England is given, followed by information on ways in which educational research is funded and conducted.
Schooling in England
Education in England is compulsory for students between the ages of 5–16. Children may start school before the age of five and most students (over 70% in 2004) remain in education beyond the statutory school leaving age (DfES, 2005). In most areas, children aged 5–10 attend primary schools and move on to secondary schools at 11 for education up to age 16 and beyond. Schools may be either single-sex or co-educational, although the majority is co-educational. In January 2004, there were 8.3 million students in 25,500 maintained and independent (private) schools in England (DfES, 2004a). The majority of students (about 91%) went to state schools, about 7% attended independent schools and about 1% attended maintained or non-maintained special schools.
Maintained (or state) schools do not charge parents for their children's education. Since September 1999, there have been four broad categories of maintained schools: Community; Foundation; Voluntary-controlled; and Voluntary-aided (DfES n.d. (a)). These schools are all self-managed and do not charge fees. They work in partnership with other schools and Local Education Authorities (LEAs), and receive their funding from LEAs. Within the four broad categories listed above there are different types of schools: Specialist schools; Faith schools; Extended schools; City Technology Colleges; Academies; and Special schools.
Most maintained secondary schools do not select by ability, although selection of this type does exist in a minority of schools. A recently published study (Sutton Trust, 2005) demonstrated that students from less well-off backgrounds were significantly under-represented in the country's highest achieving — selective and non-selective — secondary schools. The authors acknowledged that, in the case of selective schools, this is probably not surprising in view of the link between student attainment and socio-economic status. However, they argued that, in the case of high achieving non-selective schools, their findings suggest that the admissions system is not operating equitably.
Independent (private) schools — confusingly, often called ‘public’ schools in England — are not funded by the State and obtain most of their finance from fees paid by parents and income from investment. Parents in England are allowed to educate their children at home instead of school if they choose to do so — but the proportion of children educated at home is very small.
The law requires all maintained schools to be inspected at least once every six years by the Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted). The frequency of inspections depends on the circumstances of individual schools and is consistent with the principle that intervention should be in inverse proportion to success (DfES, n.d. (b)). A recent consultation paper set out proposals for shorter inspections once every three years. Private schools are currently inspected every six years.
In England, children between the ages of 5 and 16 have the right to a place in school. Parents have the right to say which school they would prefer their child to attend, regardless of its location. However, the right to express a preference does not guarantee a place at the school if there are more children wanting places at that school than there are places available. If the place offered is not at the parents’ preferred school, they have the right to appeal to an independent panel. In 2003/4 about one third of all appeals was decided in the parents’ favour (DfES, 2004b).
England has a statutory basic school curriculum which consists of the national curriculum, work-related learning, personal, social and health education (PSHE), and religious, careers and sex education. This is the blueprint used by schools to ensure that teaching standards are consistent. Schools are free to plan how the curriculum fits with their particular strengths and to introduce other activities that extend the learning experience of their students. The content of the curriculum is reviewed and modified from time to time, as considered necessary.
The national curriculum is divided into four key stages: Key Stage 1 (age 5–7); Key Stage 2 (age 7–11); Key Stage 3 (age11–14); and Key Stage 4 (age 14–16). Until the end of Key Stage 3 (age 14), all students normally study the same combination of subjects, with the exception of a foreign language, which is compulsory at Key Stage 3 only and Citizenship, which is compulsory from Key Stage 3. At Key Stage 4 (age 14–16), students have some degree of choice over the subjects they study, although many subjects remain compulsory. Students who remain in school for a further two years normally study three or four subjects in depth (A-levels).
Students’ performance in English, mathematics and science is assessed at the end of Key Stages 2 and 3 (ages 11 and 14). Their performance in a range of subjects is assessed at the end of Key Stage 4 (age 16) by means of the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) (or equivalent qualifications). Students’ performance at age 18 is normally assessed by means of the General Certificate of Education Advanced Level (A-levels).
Performance tables for Key Stages 2, 3, GCSE and A-levels are published annually in order to provide information on the achievement of students in schools and colleges, and on how schools/colleges compare with others in their local area and in England as a whole.
Educational Research in England
In 2002, it was estimated that the total expenditure on educational research in England was approximately GBP 70–75 million a year (DfES, 2002), which amounted to under 0.5% of the annual total spent on education. However, according to the OECD review of educational research in England (OECD, 2003) this was higher than the average for the six other countries for which data were available (0.3%) — Australia, Canada, Finland, Ireland, the Netherlands and Sweden. Most of the funding for educational research comes from the Government through: the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) (60%); the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) (5%), and other government agencies and local government (14%). Charities account for about 7% and the remainder derives from other sources, including the European Union, industry, and private sector educational and training organisations.
About 90% of the work is undertaken by University departments of education (DfES, 2002). Although there are at least 100 such institutions, 80% of the funding goes to a minority of just over 20 institutions. Relevant research is also carried out by other university departments, independent research institutes (such as the National Foundation for Educational Research), commercial social- and market-research organisations, and independent consultants. Small-scale research is also carried out by teachers and others, often as part of research degrees.
With regard to the impact of educational research in England, an OECD (2002, p.21, para. 80) report concluded that: ‘There are a number of research studies that have had a clear impact on policy and in the longer term may be expected to influence practice. However, there are areas which are not served well by good quality research evidence, where research is inconclusive or in which the research evidence is not easily accessible.’ In order to improve the impact of research on policy and practice, the DfES has published a research strategy (DfES, n.d. (c)). The key elements of this strategy are: developing a better, well-founded evidence base for future policy development and practice; ensuring that the research (they) and others commission is accessible to policy makers and practitioners; encouraging more researchers to engage in the key policy issues.
Research Findings
Liking for School
The majority of students in England appears to like school. Depending on the wording of the question and the age of the students, about 60–80% of the students surveyed (Keys & Fernandes, 1993; OECD, 2000; Keele, 2004; MORI, 2004) responded positively to questions concerned with liking for school. For example, Keys and Fernandes (op. cit.) found that 77% of 11-year-olds and 75% of 13-year-olds agreed or strongly agreed with the statement ‘On the whole, I like being at school’. Students were even more likely to believe that their own school was a good one (Keys & Fernandes, 1993; NOP Consumer 2003; Keele, 2004; MORI, 2004). For example, the Children and Young People Survey (NOP Consumer 2003), carried out on behalf of the Department for Education and Skills, reported that 87% of primary school students and 68% of secondary school students agreed that their school was ‘really good’. These positive attitudes were confirmed by Morris et al. (1999), who concluded that, from their literature review on young people's attitudes towards education and other issues, the majority of pre-16 students appeared to be positive about their experiences of school.
Views about Schoolwork
In general, students’ views about schoolwork were positive (Keys & Fernandes, 1993; Keys et al., 1995; NOP Consumer, 2003; Keele, 2004). For example, in these studies, most students (over 75 %) agreed that they liked learning in school and that they worked hard in school. Students’ views about the interest or boredom of their schoolwork appeared to be slightly less positive. For example, whereas about 60% of the 11–16-year-olds taking part in the study reported by Keele (2004) considered schoolwork to be at least fairly interesting, about a third considered it to be boring. Furthermore, NOP Consumer (2003) reported that about a third of 7- to 11-year-olds and 44% of 11- to 16-year-olds agreed that schoolwork was dull and boring.
However, there is some evidence that the majority of lower secondary school students in England appreciated the value and importance of schoolwork. For example, Keys and Fernandes (op. cit.) found that the majority (over 90%) of 11- and 13-year-olds believed that schoolwork was worth doing and only about 3% agreed or strongly agreed that the work they did in all or most lessons was a waste of time or that school itself was a waste of time.
Disaffected Students
Nevertheless, several studies (Keys & Fernandes, 1993; Keys et al., 1995; Keele, 2004) identified a minority of students — possibly around 10%— who held negative attitudes towards school and schoolwork. According to the results of a multiple regression analysis carried out by Keys and Fernandes (1993), students who disliked school tended to consider schoolwork boring, unimportant and a waste of time, to dislike their teachers, and to behave badly in class. Disaffected students also tended to be less likely to have a positive academic self-image, to perceive their parents as less supportive, and to hold negative views on the ethos of their school. It is interesting that, whereas students’ perceptions of parental support and of a positive school ethos were positively associated with liking for school, a surrogate measure for the cultural level of the home (number of books) was not significantly related to students’ attitudes towards school.
Some of the reasons given to MORI (2004) by young people who did not enjoy school suggested that schools might not meet the needs of some disaffected students. Half of those who did not enjoy school said they would like lessons to be more interesting; nearly 40% would like more choice over the subjects they studied; and over 20% would like more practical or vocational courses. In addition, Morris et al. (1999), in their literature review, noted that poor relationships with teachers were often associated with disaffection, disruption and truancy, and to have a negative effect on attitudes towards staying on at school.
Attitudes towards Teachers
Morris et al. (1999) concluded from their review of research literature that there was particular appreciation of teachers, especially those with good inter-personal skills and teaching ability. This is confirmed by the later studies reviewed here. For example, NOP Consumer (2003) noted that the majority (over 80%) of primary school students said that they enjoyed being taught by their teachers. The majority (over three-quarters) was positive about their teachers, agreeing (for example) that their teachers were always fair, listened carefully to them, were kind and caring, made them work hard and made lessons interesting. Similarly, another study (Keele, 2004) found that over 90% of primary school students reported liking their (class) teacher and that about two-thirds of secondary school students said they enjoyed being taught.
Views on the Purposes of Education
In a literature review carried out in conjunction with their research on students’ attitudes, Keys and Fernandes (1993) noted that many students (and their parents) believed that an important purpose of school and education was to help students to find a job or to set them on the path for their chosen career. This was confirmed by the results of their research. The vast majority of students appeared to believe in the ‘utilitarian’ purposes of schooling. Around 90% agreed or strongly agreed that schools should help them to do well in examinations, teach them things that would be useful when they got jobs and to be independent. When asked the question, ‘Thinking about the future, what are the most important ways your school could help you?’ most of the students’ open-ended responses were concerned with preparation for the world of work. The main issues mentioned were: the acquisition of life skills, such as self-discipline, motivation and independence; the provision of support and encouragement; the provision of knowledge about careers; the provision of high quality education; help in gaining qualifications for further study; and help in gaining qualifications for employment.
Perceptions of Parental Interest and Support
Most students perceived their parents to be supportive and interested in how well they did at school. For example, 62% of the students taking part in the OECD study (2000) study in England said their parents discussed with them how well they were doing at school several times a week — this was 11 percentage points above the OECD average. In the Keele (2004) study, 90% of primary school students said their parents were interested in their schooling. This study also reported that 82% of secondary school students said that their parents attended parents’ evenings and 78% said that their parents at least sometimes asked what they learned.
An earlier study (Keys & Fernandes, 1993) asked a range of questions relating to parental interest and support. It found that the majority (97%) of students agreed or strongly agreed that their parents thought it was important for them to do well at school and that a similar proportion disagreed or strongly disagreed with the statement ‘my parents think school is a waste of time’. Around 90% of students agreed that their parents were always or nearly always interested in how they did at school and around 80% said that their parents always or nearly always attended parents’ evenings. The majority (around 90%) also agreed that their parents made it clear that they should behave well in school and over 80% of the 11-year-olds and around 70% of the 13-year-olds agreed that their parents always or nearly always made sure they did their homework. This study also found that perceived parental support was positively related to students’ attitudes to school and schoolwork.
Remaining in Education beyond the Statutory Leaving Age
The majority (63–75%, depending on the study) of students surveyed said that they intended to remain in education beyond the school leaving age (currently age 16). A minority (about 10%) indicated that they intended to leave school at the earliest possible opportunity. The remainder were undecided. There was a very high level of consensus among the seven studies that reported on this issue (Keys & Fernandes, 1993; Keys et al., 1997; MORI, 2002; NOP Consumer, 2003; Keele, 2004; Park et al., 2004; MORI, 2004).
Going on to Higher Education
Two studies (MORI, 2002; MORI, 2004) focused on students’ intentions regarding higher education. The most recent (MORI, 2004) reported that the majority of 11- to 16-year-olds said they were fairly or very likely to go on to higher education. This overall proportion was similar to that found by the same authors in previous years, although the proportion opting for ‘very likely’ had fallen and that for ‘fairly likely’ had increased. The earlier study (MORI, 2002) reported that the main reasons identified by students for going on to higher education were job-related (‘A degree would improve my chances of getting a well paid job’ was selected by over 80% of those intending to enter higher education and ‘I need a degree for the job I am considering’ was selected by nearly two-thirds).
The number of students saying they were unlikely to go on to higher education was 12% (MORI, 2004), similar to that found in previous studies. Their main reasons were: preference for something practical rather than studying from books (selected by nearly half of those saying they were unlikely to enter higher education), and the desire to start earning as soon as possible (selected by 40%). Only a minority said they were unlikely to go into higher education because of worries about getting into debt as a student. In the earlier study (MORI, 2002), the students’ main reason for not going into higher education was the fact that they did not need a degree for the job they were considering.
Students’ Views on Aspects of the Curriculum
Clear majorities of students wanted parents and children to have at least some say over what was taught in schools (87% and 74%, respectively) (Park et al., 2004). Slightly more young people agreed rather than disagreed that students were too young when they had to choose subjects to specialise in (Park et al., 2004).
Students frequently expressed a preference for active participatory learning. Morris et al. (1999) concluded in their review that aspects of work-related learning, especially work experience, were viewed positively but that students often criticised the content and delivery of the mainstream curriculum. Irrespective of qualification type, modular structures with assessed course work were favoured over end-of-course examinations. Nevertheless, students perceived A-levels rather than GNVQs (General National Vocational Qualifications) to be the preferred qualification for higher education. Evidence for students’ preference for participatory learning was also found by an earlier study (Keys & Fernandes, 1993). The authors noted that lower secondary school students were more likely to say that they liked lessons where they were actively involved with others (working with friends, discussions) or where they made things than lessons where they worked alone.
Absence and Related Factors
Rates of absence
The British Government publishes annual statistics on rates of authorised and unauthorised absence in maintained schools in England (DfES, 2004c). Authorised absence is absence with permission from a teacher or other authorised representative of the school (e.g. illness). Unauthorised absence is absence without permission from a teacher or other authorised representative. Unauthorised absence can, of course, be with or without parental permission or knowledge. Schools in England are required by law to take attendance registers twice a day — once at the beginning of the morning session and once during the afternoon session. Rates of absence are, therefore, reported in terms of the percentage of half days (registration periods) missed due to absence. Data are provided separately for students of compulsory school age in primary and secondary phases. Information for different age groups within each phase is not published.
The overall rates of absence in maintained schools for 2003/4 (DFES, 2004c), the latest school year for which data are available, were higher in secondary than in primary schools (1.14% of all registration periods compared with 0.41% for primary). The rate of unauthorised absence for independent schools (primary and secondary data aggregated) was 0.13% in 2003/4. However, these overall percentages hide variation between students and only a minority of students takes unauthorised absence. The information provided in the national statistics allows the calculation that about 16% of primary students and 23% of secondary students had at least half a day's unauthorised absence in 2003/04.
The Characteristics of Students who are Absent
Dislike of lessons (or specific aspects of lessons) was frequently mentioned as a reason for truancy. Morris et al. (1999), cited research by O’Keeffe (1993), who reported that truants did not necessarily dislike school in general. Of those involved in truancy, only about one third indicated that they disliked school itself. However, truants often disliked their lessons — the desire to avoid a particular lesson was much more frequently given as a reason for truanting than a desire to avoid school. Moreover, dissatisfaction with specific aspects of lessons became more important as the frequency of truancy increased. Although truancy was usually undertaken with friends, O’Keeffe reported that it was a personal decision and that there was little sign of group coercion.
Boredom was another reason given for truancy. Most truants in a study reported by Malcolm et al. (2003) said that the reason they wanted to miss school was boredom, and over half said they were not sorry afterwards. Most thought their parents would be angry to discover they had truanted. However, Malcolm et al. (op. cit.) reported that parents of children with attendance problems tended to perceive regular school attendance to be less important than did parents of children without attendance problems. On the other hand, a recently published study (Dalziel & Henthorne, 2005) found no differences between a sample of all parents and a sample of parents of children with poor attendance in terms of their views towards education, the acceptability of non-attendance and understanding of the law regarding poor attendance. Both groups shared positive attitudes about the value of education, the importance of their child receiving a good education and their responsibility for ensuring that their children attended school.
School-related reasons for truancy were thought to be more important than home-related factors by secondary school students and parents (Malcolm et al., op.cit.) — they perceived the main causes of truancy to be bullying, problems with teachers and pressure from peers. Students also cited problems with lessons and social isolation. The findings regarding peer pressure are in contrast with those of O’Keeffe, reported above.
Morris and Rutt (2004) carried out secondary analyses of student attendance data and student and school background data collected in order to evaluate the Education in Cities (EiC) programme (see DfES, n.d.(a)). Once student and school background measures had been taken into account, the authors identified higher than average levels of unauthorised absence amongst certain groups of students, including young people with special educational needs, those in receipt of free school meals (a surrogate measure for low income families), and older students. In contrast to earlier studies (e.g. Keys et al., 1995), they found no evidence that boys were more likely to truant than girls.
Differences between the Views and Attitudes of Different Groups
Not all the research examined for this review reported on differences between different groups of students and some only noted one or two differences. Key differences highlighted by the various studies related to age and gender and, to a lesser extent, socio-economic background and ethnicity. These differences are summarised below.
Age-related Differences
Younger students tended to hold more positive attitudes towards school and education than older students (Keys & Fernandes, 1993; Keys et al., 1995; NOP Consumer 2003; Keele, 2004). Primary school students held more positive attitudes than lower secondary school students who, in turn, held more positive attitudes than upper secondary school students. However, there is no evidence of a dramatic deterioration in attitudes after transition to secondary school (Keys et al., 1995). At the secondary level (MORI, 2002), older students are more likely to: say that a degree would improve their chances of getting a well paid job; like the idea of university; and say they were encouraged by parents and teachers.
Gender-related Differences
In general, girls tended to hold more positive views about school and education than boys. For example, girls were more likely than boys to say that they liked school, liked their teachers, enjoyed schoolwork and perceived their own school as a good one. They were also less likely than boys to perceive schoolwork as boring (Keys et al., 1995; Keele, 2004; MORI, 2004).
Girls were more likely than boys to perceive themselves as well behaved and hard working — and students generally thought that girls cared more than boys about doing well at school (Keys et al., 1995; Park et al., 2004). Furthermore, girls were more likely than boys to say that they intended to remain in education beyond the school leaving age and to be considering going on to higher education (Park et al., 2004; MORI, 2002; MORI, 2004). There were few statistically significant differences between girls and boys in terms of their perceptions of parental support (Keys et al. 1995).
Socio-economic Status (SES) and Ethnic-related Differences
Young people from more advantaged backgrounds were more likely to think their school was good and to enjoy school (MORI, 2004) and to say they intended to go on to higher education (MORI, 2002, 2004). Another study (Park et al., 2004) found that young people from less advantaged backgrounds were more likely to believe that girls worked harder and cared more about doing well than boys, and that young people from more advantaged households were least supportive of formal examinations.
Few ethnic differences in students’ attitudes were identified in the studies examined for this review. Two studies (MORI, 2002; MORI, 2004) reported that minority ethnic students were more likely than white students to think it was very likely that they would go on to higher education. However, these findings should be regarded with caution as the responses of students from different minority ethnic groups were combined.
Conclusions and Implications
This review of research has highlighted both positive findings and causes for concern.
Positive Findings
It is reassuring that the majority of students in England said that they liked school and schoolwork, appreciated its value and importance, and believed that a key purpose of school and education was to help students to get jobs or to set them on the path for their chosen careers. Similarly, there was evidence that many students were well motivated and held high academic aspirations. The majority of students surveyed said that they intended to remain in education beyond the school leaving age and indicated that they were fairly likely or very likely to go on to higher education.
Furthermore, the fact that the majority of students perceived their parents to be supportive and interested in how well they did at school and to be keen for them to succeed was encouraging — especially in view of the research finding that perceived parental support was positively related to students’ attitudes to school and schoolwork.
Causes for Concern
Disaffected Pupils
The research studies reviewed here suggest that there was a minority of students — possibly around 10%— who held negative attitudes towards school and schoolwork. Students who disliked school tended to: find schoolwork boring; consider it unimportant and a waste of time; dislike their teachers; behave badly in class; and intend to leave education at the earliest possible opportunity. The research evidence suggests that schools did not always meet the needs of disaffected students. Students who did not enjoy school were reported to say that they would like lessons to be more interesting, to have more choice over the subjects they studied, and more practical or vocational courses.
Disaffection may lead to absenteeism. The reasons given by students for truancy include dislike of lessons, or specific aspects of lessons, and boredom. Secondary school students and parents thought school-related reasons for truancy were more important than home-related factors. Young people with special educational needs and those in receipt of free school meals (i.e. those from less affluent families) tended to have higher levels of unauthorised absence than other students.
These findings, most of which confirm anecdotal evidence from other sources, highlight the need for teachers and policy makers to develop further strategies to meet the needs of disaffected students.
Gender Differences
In recent years, girls in England have achieved better results than boys in public examinations. The research findings on gender differences reviewed here may go some way towards explaining this fact. Girls were more likely than boys to say that they liked school and their teachers, enjoyed schoolwork, and believed their own school to be a good one. They were also more likely to perceive themselves as well behaved and hard working and to say that they intended to remain in education beyond the school leaving age and to go on to higher education. They were less likely than boys to perceive schoolwork as boring. While the high motivation of girls is positive, these findings suggest that there is a need for schools to develop further strategies designed to increase the motivation and attainment of boys. It is interesting that the research finds few differences between girls and boys in terms of their perceptions of parental support.
Socio-economic Status
The research findings reviewed here indicate that students from more affluent families tended to hold more positive attitudes towards school and education than those from less favoured backgrounds. They were more likely to think their own school was good, to enjoy school, and to say they intended to go on to higher education. This is not a new finding and highlights the need for strategies to improve the motivation and raise the aspirations of students from less favoured backgrounds.
