Perspectives of Looked after Children on School Experience — a Study Conducted among Primary School Children in a Children’s Home in Singapore
Abstract
Singapore is known for its well-developed public education. Although there have been prolific studies and advancement in pedagogy of different groups of learners, the progress has yet to capture the interest of children in residential care, and their educational needs remain a field lacking in discussion. This study seeks to give these children a voice by answering three main questions: (1) What have the children experienced in school? (2) How do they feel about these experiences? (3) To what extent are the children’s experiences and feelings related to their background?A mixed-method approach that encompasses both quantitative and qualitative instruments has been employed to find out from the Primary School children in a local Children’s Home their perspectives on school experience. The findings reveal that looked after children do encounter greater challenges in school because of their unique background and lack of resources. Most of them would need to rely on the authorities in both the school and the Home for support if better experience and performance in school are to be achieved.
Introduction
Sociological research interests in Singapore are said to be shaped mainly by broader national concerns arising from its rapid economic development (Yee and Chua, 1999). To date there have been few published studies that focus on children in residential care, not to mention issues concerning their education. According to Goddard (2000), such was the situation in the UK more than two decades ago. The priority of the care system and the insignificant representation of these children in schools were cited as reasons for the paucity of literature on the subject (Jackson, 1989; Fletcher-Campbell and Hall, 1990; Goddard, 2000; etc.).
Neglecting the education of looked after children, however, is said to have dire consequences to both the individuals and the society at large in terms of social costs (Jackson and Simon, 2006). Besides startling figures on school exclusion and failure (Elliott, 2002; Jackson and Sachdev, 2001), looked after children were reported to be more vulnerable to unemployment and social problems as compared to their peers (Bennathan, 1992; Stein, 2002). While education and employment are probably their only means to break away from family disadvantage, the findings underline the importance of addressing the issue.
The lack of research interest in the educational issues of looked after children may have similar implications in Singapore. To understand the context of this study, a brief look at the city-state’s educational and social frameworks that affect looked after children is in order.
Education in Singapore
In general, looked after children in Singapore attend mainstream schools as they are recommended for ‘normal community experiences’ (National Council of Social Service 1994). These children constitute a very small fraction of the school population and are often perceived as people in need of charity more than school progress, even though education is highly valued by both the government and its people.
Primary School education is an important part of children’s lives in at least three ways: (a) It constitutes a substantial part of their childhood — an average Primary School student spends 6–9 h in school each day and another 2–4 h doing homework or attending tuition classes during school days; (b) It is competitive — founded on the ideology of meritocracy, students are ranked according to their academic performance and so are expected to strive for the best and (c) It concerns their future — each academic success and failure seems to have a cumulative effect on their life trajectory. Besides the family, school is regarded as the centre that moulds a child’s intellectual, social and emotional development, as well as future.
Social work
Welfare institutions in Singapore are set up by Voluntary Welfare Organisations (VWOs). The interests of children in Residential Homes are upheld by objectives spelled out in the Standards Manual on Children and Youth Homes (National Council of Social Service, 1994). Although the statement provides some direction for the Homes, exactly how these young persons get to realise their potential and at the same time lead happy and productive lives is not specified beyond the recommendation that whenever possible, community, educational and recreational facilities compatible with the individual needs of the child/youth in care are utilised to allow for normal community experiences. Formal schooling is recommended for these children but the need to ensure success, both socially and academically, is not stressed.
Attitudes towards children’s voices
Children in Singapore are considered valued members of society, as stated in the Singapore’s accession to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (RCR) in 1995 (MCDS, 2002). While the society at large is in favour of protecting minors and their best interests, it has yet to recognise children’s views as significant considerations in policy-making. The emphasis on consulting with children, however, is consistent with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Children, as it (article 12) requires all countries agreeing to the convention to assure children the right to express their views freely in all matters affecting them (Smith, 1996).
The study
The observations above point to the need for a better understanding of the educational issues faced by looked after children from their perspectives. The study set out to answer the following research questions: (1) What have the children experienced in school? (2) How do they feel about these experiences? (3) To what extent are the children’s experiences and feelings related to their background?
The research has chosen to focus on the Primary School children in one of the Children’s Homes in Singapore. They made up the majority of the residents in the Home.
Method
The goal of this study is to produce a descriptive account of children’s perspectives. A mixed-method approach was adopted to gather both quantitative and qualitative data. The process involved three phases: document analysis, interviews and a questionnaire survey.
To understand the setting, printed materials of the Home’s physical and administrative organisation, annual reports, residential publications, previous research and official documents were collected and analysed. The findings provide useful information about the Home’s operation, environment and programme in relation to the children’s educational support.
With regard to interviews, 21 of the 39 primary school children in the Home were selected to cover various sub-groups (i.e. gender, class level, race, length of stay, number of placements, academic performance and experience of school transfers). A structured interview was employed to explore the children’s views on various school themes: their school, relationships with teachers and peers, motivation in learning, experience of support in the Home and ideas on future career. To minimise the impact of power differential between the adult interviewer and her young interviewees, the children came in pairs and were guided by computer graphic vignettes during the interview process.
The conclusions drawn from the document analysis and the interviews were then used to formulate a questionnaire survey that involved all the Primary School children in the Home. With a carefully designed see and tell approach, it surveyed the children’s views on a one-to-one basis with 12 questions. The survey has the advantage of crystallising earlier findings through the verification of certain statements and further probing.
Analysis of documents on the Home
By and large, children are admitted to the Home on compassionate grounds as their families need time and help to resolve some crises. The Home has a strong family focus; its goal is to prepare the children in its care for re-integration into their families.
Although not its top priority, educational needs of the children are recognised as part of the Home’s responsibility. This is seen in the organisation of human resource and the demarcation of physical space. A programme co-ordinator oversees school matters concerning the charges. With a programme aimed at holistic development, the co-ordinator is helped by a pool of volunteers who come in regularly to coach these children in their studies or areas of interest. The Home also allocates rooms for learning, reading and play so as to cater to the needs of school-age children.
Children are assessed to see if placement in the Home is the best solution for them. However, the child’s educational background and needs are not included in the assessment except for extreme cases where professional diagnosis will be sought. According to Tan (2000), one child was diagnosed to be educationally sub-normal (ESN) before entering the Home. Since the social workers in the Home are not trained to conduct educational assessments, a personalised educational plan is not developed as part of the care plans for their clients.
Placement in the Home results in a totally different life experience for these children: a pool of surrogate parents, a form of institutional living and a schedule that is structured and routine. Although social workers are there to help them deal with their personal problems, little attention is given to this time of transition. As they set off for school each day from an institution instead of their home, school must have taken on a very different meaning altogether.
Children’s perspectives on their school experience
The findings fall into two categories: perspectives concerning school and perspectives concerning the Home environment in relation to educational support.
Perspectives concerning school
Under the category of school, the sub-themes are: school, teachers, classmates, school transfers, school and their future.
School
Jareth (P4): I like to go to school because I have many friends to play with me, I can talk to them, I can share my feelings.
The general perception of school among the respondents was found to be positive. Their reasons for liking school range from its curriculum to the people they came into contact with, such as teachers and classmates. The three most talked about happy occasions in school were Play, Physical Education and Recess. While play is inherent in children’s nature, it was found that it involved a social aspect, as it was often mentioned jointly with the identification of playmates and play activities which involved friends. It fostered a sense of inclusion in a peer group in a neutral setting. This is considered crucial for children in residential care, as they are said to run the risk of being insulated from the community (Ashley, 2004).
The survey shows that more respondents in the upper primary actually prefer Recess to play, in contrast to those in the lower primary. It is a time that permits other freewill activities such as interacting with friends, visiting the library or reading alone. Besides maturity, the development of a predilection for autonomy might have something to do with their growing sense of self-consciousness and identity, a theme to be further explored under ‘Classmates’.
Rachel (P2): I like school because can study more about … things.
Children’s interests in the curriculum are good indicators that they value school for its varied learning experiences. Although few interviewees made specific references to academic subjects (i.e. English, Mother Tongue, Mathematics and Science) when learning was discussed, the questionnaire survey reveals that more than half of the respondents had picked two or more subjects as things they liked about school. But their preference for lessons that employ an interactive instructional approach rather than a direct instructional approach was apparent as Computer Lesson was their hottest pick. This is in line with the government’s effort and investment in schools to raise an ‘IT (Information Technology) savvy’ workforce.
Wilson (P4): (25) Um, not so much because go to school very boring.
Despite the above, there was a group, predominantly boys, who found school to be disagreeable. A point to note is that their feelings had little to do with their academic ability or conduct in school. The clash of role expectations, as expounded by Robertson (1987), may explain their unhappiness. Their boredom could stem from their individual personality and attitude towards school.
The number of complaints about homework is considered insignificant even though the Asian school culture is known to impose long study hours (Time, 2006). The few who had complained were unhappy with the amount they got each day. The regular study hour and coaching in the Home had apparently helped most of them to cope with the demands of school.
Finally, teachers were found to be another source of unpleasant experience in school. In their response to the question What will make school a more enjoyable place?, some children had wished that their teachers were more understanding and approachable:
P5 girl: If teachers are not so fierce at times.
P3 girl: There are more friendly and patient teachers.
P5 boy: Teachers can teach me a lot of things and encourage me.
P4 boy: My teachers do not wrongly accuse me.
A healthy teacher–student relationship is critical for students who have experienced considerable relationship stress (Pianta and Walsh, 1996). Most of the children in care fit into this category. Their need for positive input from school personnel is evident as seen in the next section.
Teachers
Interviewer: Why do you like her?
Jazreel (P5): Because she very kind. She very pretty.
As it was found, a teacher’s popularity among children had much to do with his/her good looks, benevolent attitude and style of teaching. Yet, it would be hard for him/her to make a positive difference on the school experience of looked after children unless he/she knew their needs and responded to them. From the data gathered, there are four distinct roles of teachers which are meaningful to looked after children and they are: motivator, facilitator, carer and provider.
Sam (P2): Because when my … exam pass, he’ll help me buy thing … ah, Piggy Bank.
As motivators, these teachers use rewards or encouragement to build their students’ self-esteem, thereby boosting their interest in learning. Their actions are representative of their expectations, which has a role in how well and how much their students learn (Cooper and Tom, 1984). In their upbringing, looked after children are not likely to be showered with constructive feedback that encourages them to work hard. This explains why more than half of the respondents in the survey attributed the importance of school to an understanding that was impressed on them by their teachers, rather than their parents or the staff at the Home. Teachers are indeed an important source of motivation for their students’ school progress.
Mary (P4): Then, she teach us to be good. Ah, then, she teach us what to do and what not to do loh.
As facilitators, when a certain social skill or moral value is found to be lacking, these teachers take the time to teach it, as cited above. When asked about the future benefits of school, a higher number of respondents actually felt that it would help them become better persons rather than allow them to find the job they want or take care of themselves when they grow up. Teachers who took time to inculcate values in their students could take credit for such an outcome.
This study has also found that some teachers appeared to have greater success than others in getting their students to listen to them. As Davis (2001) argues, children who value their relationship with the teacher are more likely to want to accomplish specific social and academic tasks in the classroom.
Serena (P6): If there is any problem in school, my teacher will help, or she will get someone to talk to me and try and help me sort things out, then, ah I just enjoy school lah.
Looked after children often carry the emotional baggage of their problematic background to school. Martin and Jackson (2002) affirm that children want their teachers to be informed of their care situation, as such awareness is thought to be instrumental in enhancing the teachers’ ability to empathise with them and hence, provide better guidance. In this study, the participants voiced their appreciation for teachers who attended to their problems. The caring action signifies a teacher’s understanding and support in view of their unique background. The lack of it may undermine their school experience and motivation for achievement.
P4 girl: Teacher helps me to get more knowledge, help me to buy things I want, example: art materials, textbooks, reference books. Cut my hair and give me pocket money — school bursary.
Finally, as providers, teachers would go out of their way to meet the personal needs of their students. Such actions show that teachers are in a key position to detect problems arising from the children’s home background and respond to situations where additional help would make a difference. Apparently, this kind of special treatment from teachers was not uncommon among the respondents as almost half of them picked attend to my needs as one of the things they liked about their teachers.
These findings unveil not only the many facets of an effective primary school teacher but also the need of looked after children to be understood and supported by their teachers. It makes collaboration between the school and the Home indispensable as the awareness of the children’s placement circumstance would help teachers provide quality support to their students.
Classmates
If teachers are the ‘signposts’ in school for the children, then peers are the companions with whom they tread the path. In this study, five types of peer relations are identified, namely companionship, commonality, compassion, confession and conflicts.
Sam (P2): I love my friend because … he play with me (pause) sometime.
Out of the 41 participants in the survey, 36 thought they had people to play with in class. Having people to play with is important as play is the common ground for children to develop friendships. However, such companionship does not make a playmate a friend as it was found that while play with me garnered the highest number of responses for the kind of relations the children have with their classmates, not all of these respondents thought they had friends. Two other interesting observations are: some children continued to hang out only with peers from the Home who were in the same class and fewer upper Primary children felt that they had companions to do things with.
Terry (P4): Then sometimes … they give me food. Sometime I no money they will lend me … ah, like that loh.
Commonality is shown in the case of sharing, but most of the references seem to cast these children as the beneficiaries of their classmates’ generosity. This again, does not always lead to the development of friendship. Apart from the sharing of food and stationery, some of them had been introduced to their classmates’ family members. The sharing of social resources proved to be a positive experience for these children as it has extended their social support and exposed them to an alternative family structure other than the institution or their own dysfunctional family. The findings resonate Hartup (1998) argument that networks and connections constitute a major source of support to children coping with stress and adjustment difficulties (Rubin and others, 2005).
Wilson (P4): Ah, because they all very kind to me, and they very, they also care about me … Every time I got problem they will help me.
Compassion signifies the support the children get from their peers. The survey shows that while almost 80% of the respondents had classmates who helped them in their studies, fewer thought they had classmates who were kind to them and barely over half thought they had classmates who would encourage them. In fact, in the list of positive characteristics, the statement that they had been treated fairly was picked by the least number of respondents.
P1 girl: Mom said don’t tell.
Confession in the form of self-disclosure denotes intimacy between peers. According to the survey, only slightly more than half of the respondents were confident that their classmates had already known about their placement background. The alternative answer for the younger group was predominantly negative and the older group, uncertain. The reasons for the difference could be the number of years in school or the pattern of socialisation according to age. It appears that some preferred to keep their status secret. But the burden of concealing their status might have affected the quality of their school life and friendship with their classmates.
Jacintha (P5): Because they very irritating. Like, like come and disturb me all that. If I angry, they will come and kick my table.
Here, conflicts cover a wide range of problems that the children encountered in their relationships with their classmates. By far, the most common problem reported was irritations. Contrary to Western literature that finds looked after children at a higher risk of being bullied or acting as bullies themselves (Harker and others, 2004), few had referred to them in this study. This could be because of the children’s fear of disciplinary action upon admission or their ignorance that certain irritations could be a form of bullying.
To conclude, children’s relations with peers come in many forms and are meant to satisfy different needs. Positive relations encourage adjustment, school progress and social integration. In this regard, looked after children do have a greater challenge in school as their efforts to integrate may be hindered by the need to conceal their identity, their lack of trust and social skills, and their lack of resources to share with others.
School transfers
Serena (P6): I was in CKC when I was Primary One. And then later I shift there because I was staying in (unclear) Ya, I prefer my old school because down there I’ve got lot of friends.
In this Home, at least one in every three children had experienced school transfers. While such moves may be necessary because of Home placements, they are thought to have a negative impact on the children as they disrupt the stability and continuity of curriculum as well as relationship (Buchanan, 1995; Fletcher-Campbell, 1998). The children interviewed made comparison between their former and current schools. Two areas of challenges emerged and they are adjustment and re-establishment of ties. Interestingly, the issue of adjustment had nothing to do with the number of years in the new school. The change itself evoked an emotional reaction, and when it happened on the grounds of placement, the child had more issues to cope with; for instance, being asked the reason for their transfer. Leaving their former school also means having to sever established relationships and starting anew in their effort to establish ties with teachers and classmates in the new setting. The challenge can be insurmountable if the Home or school does not provide adequate support to help them in the transition.
School and their future
Wilson (P4): Study hard … And When I grow up, I get my certificate I can go to find my job and I can become a police officer.
The majority of the respondents could make a connection between school and their future. This knowledge is critical as ‘entry-tickets to life’ are said to be largely gained at school (Fletcher-Campbell, 1998: 4) and education attainment could be a way for them to escape past disadvantage (Jackson, 1994). Although their answers to the role of school sounded vague, the respondents generally believed that school teaches them to be good people, what they learn is useful for their future careers and can lead to self-sufficiency in adulthood. But whether this understanding serves to motivate them to work towards school progress is not known.
Perspectives concerning the Home
As the Home is the place where looked after children start and end their school day, this section provides a description of its personnel and environment in relation to educational support.
People
The moment the children come into the Home, things pertaining to their schooling will be taken up by various personnel. The director and the social workers liaise with the schools on matters such as transfers and progress; the programme co-ordinator takes care of the children’s school supplies, schoolwork and their participation in school activities; and the housemothers are responsible for getting them ready for school and dispensing pocket money.
Rachel (P2): Jieh Jieh Nellie (the programme coordinator) usually teach us Maths, English and Chinese.
As the person in charge of day-to-day school matters, the programme co-ordinator has a central role in these children’s schooling. Hence, when asked who cared the most about their studies, eight of the 21 interviewees named the programme co-ordinator, five named their teachers and four named their parents. The results show that the staff at the Home play an important role in its charges’ school progress. However, when asked if there were people who took care of their school matters in the Home, a poorer response was found among the lower primary group. The inclination for younger children to have a greater reliance on adults’ attention is the likely reason. The findings also raise the question of the effectiveness of group care where division of labour is practised. A P5 boy said that he would only tell his teacher or friends about his problems but not anyone else in the Home. This example highlights the difficulties of the staff in trying to meet the needs of some 40 children, especially when the group is neither homogeneous nor stable.
Serena (P6): Our volunteers only come on Monday … But then, sometimes on a Thursday right, Thursday or Friday lah, there are some Junior College students who come here to teach us.
Besides the staff, as a charity organisation, the Home is supported by a myriad sponsors and volunteers. Those who come to conduct tuition lessons provide a valuable service, as most of the children need help to meet school demands. However, a preliminary survey of the academic achievements of these children reveals that the majority were skewed to the lower end. This indicates that the reliance on voluntarism for tuition may not be adequate for their school progress.
P6 boy: Companies when I am lonely.
This was the answer given to the question —In the Home I can find… Their shared destiny and proximity have brought these children closer to each other in the Home. In response to the question on what could be found in the Home, friends was the second highest in aggregate, a result which surpasses that for school. When asked if they liked going to the same school with people from the Home, the answers were mostly positive. Moreover, quite a number chose to hang out with fellow residents who attended the same school rather than others. All these may signify their need for a sense of continuity, security and strength in the school environment.
Environment
P5 boy: Everyone pays attention to what they are saying and be quiet when others are studying for their exam.
As mentioned, the Home has a programme and a pool of manpower to support the educational needs of its charges. According to these children, the least available feature was having a quiet place for reading. The source of their frustration is believed to be the Home’s practice of having everyone study in groups under one roof. Some older children felt it was difficult to stay focused when the younger ones completed their work. In their response to the question on what makes a Home a better place for learning, some suggested collective obedience towards staff and good behaviour.
About 85% of the respondents thought that there were many things to learn in the Home. The others expressed their hope for a more enriching environment. Indeed, the children in the Home were exposed to a slew of activities organised by sponsors and volunteers. In response to these events, one girl called for participation to be made optional.
Implications
The above findings have implications for both schools and Children’s Homes. In the case of schools, their resources are found to be significant for the developmental needs, future success and social integration of looked after children. However, to benefit from the resources, these children need guidance and support.
The study highlights the importance of information for school personnel because the knowledge of their students’ care situation will enhance their ability to build rapport with them and to provide the necessary guidance. Although the survey shows that not all participants wanted their teachers to know about their placement background, the outcome highlights the need for information to go beyond superficial awareness. It requires teachers to be equipped with knowledge of translating information into action plans. This could be done through teacher training and inter-professional collaboration.
Training involves equipping school personnel with the knowledge and skills to address the educational needs of looked after children, during and outside school hours. The purpose is to ensure that these children are adequately supported in their learning, and their social and emotional needs in school are met. Whether it is performed through a programme or personal action, the task cannot be accomplished alone. School personnel need to work with the Home’s social workers/carers to review the effectiveness of the schemes of support. Hence, inter-professional collaboration has to be deliberate and consistent in order for these children to benefit.
In the case of Homes, the children’s educational needs must be supported by its care policy, physical planning, staffing and programme. The Home in question had apparently made many conscious efforts to prioritise the children’s educational needs on these grounds. Nonetheless, the study has identified some areas for improvement.
To begin with, a child’s educational needs should be deliberated at the point of placement. Apart from care plans, there should be personalised educational plans to ensure that the child’s need for professional intervention is captured early. The plan should also provide a direction for the individual’s educational support scheme. Its implementation is a means to rectify a child’s pre-care disadvantage in school.
While a Home often takes in children of different ages and needs, the developmental needs of its potential residents should be key considerations in its physical planning, staffing and programme. For instance, having children study under one roof may be a practical approach for staff supervision, but it is not a conducive environment for children’s learning. Children should be provided with the space to read or do their work quietly in the Home.
The last issue has to do with the children’s right to participate in decision-making in matters concerning themselves. This aspect is often overlooked in oriental society. The study points to the fact that looked after children are in need of some control over their lives. It is a wish in keeping with the arguments that children have the right to be heard and to be included in decision-making concerning their lives (Oliver, 2006; Thomas, 2005; etc.). If their views in areas such as the choice of school and participation in certain activities are respected, it may help to instil a sense of identity and encourage responsibility.
To conclude, the study has attempted to understand the educational needs of looked after children through the perspectives of Primary School children in one of the Children’s Homes in Singapore. For a more comprehensive understanding of the issue, further research is necessary for other perspectives to emerge. Official statistics are also required for a better understanding of the situation.
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the staff and children at the Home for their contributions to this research. My sincere appreciation goes to Professor Michael Byram and Dr Julie Rattray of the University of Durham for their valuable guidance.
