‘I Just Don't Want to Get Picked on by Anybody’: Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in a Newly Multi-Ethnic Irish Primary School

Introduction

The extent of social and economic change in Irish society in the past 30 years has been unprecedented, culminating in recent years in changed immigration patterns that include substantial numbers of immigrants from outside the traditional Irish diaspora. Children, like adults, are part of this changing social landscape. As their communities and schools become increasingly diverse, they face challenges and opportunities in adjusting to this change. This article is based on research conducted into the experience of ethnic diversity in a primary school. Central to the analysis is how the experience of inclusion and exclusion in peer relations is underpinned by concepts of sameness/difference that draw upon wider discourses of ethnic and cultural identity. The article is structured into four parts. Part 1 presents a framework within which children's social relations in school can be understood along two interlinking dimensions of inclusion/exclusion and sameness/difference. Part 2 outlines the methodology of the study while part 3 presents the findings in terms of the contrasting yet inter-related dynamics of inclusion/exclusion and sameness/difference in children's ethnic relations in Oakleaf primary school. The concluding discussion considers the findings with reference to policy and practice in Irish primary schools.

Ethnicity and children's interaction in school

Research into children's social worlds draws attention to the nature of children's racialised attitudes and the degree to which these influence both the manner and extent of their interaction with one another in ethnically diverse classrooms (Connolly, 1998; Holmes, 1995; Troyna and Hatcher, 1992; Van Ausdale and Feagin, 2001). The meanings that children attach to their social relations with others can only be fully understood within the context of child culture. Such a culture is characterised by both inclusionary and exclusionary elements underpinned by a series of rules and regulations clearly understood by children themselves. It is through these manoeuvres within friendships that children explore not only the dynamics of interpersonal relationships but also their own identities as they actively struggle for recognition, status and intimacy in the rough and tumble of their school lives (Adler and Adler, 1998; Connolly, 2004; Corsaro, 2005; Deegan, 1996; Devine, 2003; Scott, 2003; Thorne, 1993; Troyna and Hatcher, 1992). Children's interaction is also deeply embedded in power matrices that are reflected in the adult world. The dynamics of inclusion and exclusion are intertwined with concepts of normality and otherness, the latter framed in the context of the norms and expectations that structure social interaction within the society at large. With respect to ethnic identity, assertions of Irish identity may revolve around being White, Catholic and part of the settled community. Minority ethnic groups such as Travellers, Jews or Black Irish are often considered outside this norm, with consequent implications for their status within Irish society as a whole. Children, no less than adults, draw on these discourses of difference, interpreting their interaction with others on the basis of their perceived normality or otherness with respect to dominant norms.

Children's interaction in school can be considered then along a continuum of two inter-linking and contrasting dimensions related to inclusion and exclusion in friendship patterns and the experience of difference (‘otherness’ and ‘sameness’) in their relationship with one another in school. These dimensions are, in turn, influenced and mediated by children's ethnicity, gender, social class, dis/ability, age and sexuality. For the purposes of this article, the main focus will be upon ethnicity and gender as variables of analysis. As Figure 1 indicates, a child can be positioned or position themselves in any one of the quadrants in terms of their interaction. They may be different culturally but fully included in social interaction or alternatively they may be culturally different and excluded from dominant patterns of peer relations within their classroom setting.

Methodology of the study

The material for this paper draws on findings from a two-year qualitative study of ethnicity and schooling (Devine and others, 2002; Kelly, 2003) in a sample of primary- and secondary-level schools on the east coast of Ireland. Intensive case-study analysis was conducted as part of the research into one of the primary schools, Oakleaf Primary, and this forms the data set for this article. Pseudonyms for teachers and children are used throughout. This case study derives from repeated visits to the school over one school year and involved interviews with the school principal (Mr Robinson), the two language support teachers (Ms Macken and Ms Farrell), seven of the remaining 20 classroom teachers, and a selected sample of children (61 in total) drawn from Grade 2 (children aged 7–8 years) and Grade 5 (children aged 10–11 years). Interviews were also conducted with a number of parents during an open day organised by the school before Christmas. In conducting the research, clear ethical guidelines (Alderson and Morrow, 2004; Fraser, 2004) were followed, given the sensitive nature of many of the topics being dealt with. The analysis is also supplemented by observations of classroom and schoolyard behaviours, sociometric analyses and the intensive analysis of children's interaction over one school year in one classroom.

Oakleaf Primary is a designated disadvantaged co-educational primary school with 304 pupils in a large urban centre on the outskirts of Dublin. Designated disadvantaged status is granted to schools based on a number of predefined indicators of economic and social disadvantage in the school community, including receipt of unemployment benefit and access to free medical care. The school was built in 1985, since when changes to the area in the intervening period have brought with then greater social and ethnic diversity, including the building of private houses as well as a Traveller halting site. In the past six years, the school has seen a marked growth in the number of minority ethnic children attending it, reflecting the broader pattern of unprecedented immigration into Irish society (Central Statistics Office, 2004). Currently, over one-third of the school population consists of minority ethnic children who come predominantly from Eastern Europe, Africa and the Middle East. While the school is Roman Catholic (a system of state-sponsored denominational schooling predominates in the Republic of Ireland, particularly at primary level), the religious profile has changed dramatically in recent years, with children from the Muslim community representing the second largest grouping after Roman Catholics in the school.

The school benefits hugely from a highly committed principal (Mr Robinson) and the placement of an experienced full-time teacher in the post of language support (Ms Macken) and considerable effort has been put into the establishment of a fully resourced prefab building (funded by the DES after considerable negotiation) to provide support to newly arrived migrant children. However, despite some level of awareness of the need for intercultural practice, there was no stated anti-racism policy within the school. While teachers were generally uncertain about the nature of the children's social world, assumptions about the inherent innocence of children's interaction with one another was evident, typified in the comment by Ms Macken below:

However, interviews and a more in-depth analysis of the children's social world indicated a more complex picture of the influence of ethnicity on their interaction patterns that challenge the more innocent and paternalistic frame of reference illustrated in the comments of Ms Macken above. In line with Figure 1, these will be discussed in the context of being different, being the same and inclusion/exclusionary patterns among the children in Oakleaf Primary.

Being different, being the same: perceptions of ethnic diversity in Oakleaf Primary

In their discussions about minority ethnic children, themes of strangeness and difference emerged in the majority ethnic children's accounts, such differences located as deficiencies in the minority ethnic child. This is evident in the comments below by children, who refer to the ‘other’ status of certain groups of minority ethnic children by virtue of their cultural and linguistic difference:

An anti-English bias was also prevalent in some children's comments, with children who had returned from England or who had parents who were English, singled out for their difference, manifest primarily in their accents:

Physical difference also emerged quite strongly in the children's accounts especially with reference to the colour of skin. For these children, skin colour was an important marker of cultural/ethnic identity and in some instances it was suggested to be the basis for friendship formation, highlighting one aspect of sameness focused on by children in their construction of friendships. In one interview, for example, children spoke of the ease of a new child settling in if there were other ‘coloured’ children present:

However, in the cut and thrust of pupil interaction, skin colour was also used as the basis for name-calling as children drew attention to physical differences in attempting to gain the upper hand with one another. In all the interviews, reference was made to the prevalence of name-calling due to skin colour differences and the interview data are replete with examples of derogatory names called on this basis (Devine and others, 2004). Such name-calling highlighted not only the significance of difference to children's interaction, but also the distinctions they drew between types of colour in their assessment of difference. Naomie, a Muslim girl born in Ireland, recounted how she experienced teasing following a return trip from Libya, because her skin colour had changed:

The comments of Sonya, a girl born in Somalia, indicate her experience of colour being used as a discriminating factor in friendship by one of her peers:

It is also worth noting, however, that sensitivity to differences related to colour and ethnicity can be eliminated when common bonds are formed. In practice, this was reflected in the level of inter-ethnic interaction which was visible in the schoolyard during playtime, as well as in observations of children's interaction in the classroom and was borne out by the following comments made by a friend of Sonya:

While these children spoke of ethnic difference, especially colour, in negative terms, there were also incidences during interviews where children recounted positive black Irish role models, listing members of the Irish football team and singers such as Samantha Mumba in this regard. Such models in themselves were then important contra-indicators to the stereotypes children held regarding Irish identity and ‘otherness’. While sensitivity to colour was an important marker of children's perception of difference, prejudicial attitudes expressed by the children did not rest solely on the basis of this difference. This is evident in the children's comments on Travellers, a minority ethnic Irish grouping whose difference does not lie in colour but predominantly in culture and lifestyle:

Children's sensitivity to difference must be located within the general context of child culture and the desire by children to fit in and be the same as their peers. It must also be understood, however, within a broader cultural context in which Irishness is firmly linked with particular traits (to include being white, settled and Catholic) and those outside this norm are clearly perceived as ‘other’.

For minority ethnic children the experience of mixing with children from other ethnic groups also poses challenges and opportunities. For children coming to Ireland for the first time there is the immediate challenge of being a new child in school and adapting to their new surrounds. Interviews indicated that the children reacted differently to these pressures, with some being proud of the cultural differences between themselves and their Irish peers, while others chose to negate such differences and blend more readily into the dominant peer culture:

Cultural and language differences became enmeshed in the shifting alliances between children, and sometimes are used by children to gain the upper hand with one another by speaking in a language not understood by the others or by telling tales to the teacher for engaging in what could be perceived as exclusionary behaviour:

Travellers also faced challenges to their identity in their experience of school. An interview with five Traveller children revealed that while these children were Irish, they saw themselves as different to settled Irish, as the following conversation illustrates:

However, changes in lifestyle brought with it conflicting views on Traveller identity, with one child in the group clearly ashamed of her Traveller background, conscious of its negative connotations among settled peers in her class:

Inclusion and exclusion: ethnic and gender dynamics

Clearly then, all children, both minority and majority ethnic, were sensitive to the cultural, physical and linguistic differences that existed between them. What is important, however, is the manner in which the children reacted to these differences, especially as this applied to their inclusionary/exclusionary practices. For the minority ethnic children, many of whom were new to the school, this added an extra dimension to their coping strategies as they had to negotiate their way into peer groups that pre-dated their arrival into the school.

An intensive case study of Mr O'Reilly's class (Grade 4, aged 9–10 years) gives us some indication of the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion over one school year and of how these are not only tied to the perceptions of sameness and difference indicated earlier, but also how they are mediated by both gender and ability. Sociometric analysis over the course of the year indicated changing patterns of friendship among the boys, with significantly greater inter-ethnic mixing evident by the end of the year. Observational and interview data confirmed these patterns, with the boys making positive comments about their evolving relationships with one another:

Significantly, sporting ability, especially the playing of soccer, had a dramatic impact on the level of interaction and status enhancement among the boys and was actively encouraged and supported by male staff in the school, but especially by Mr O'Reilly, the class teacher. Participation in sport could also be a double-edged sword, however, giving rise to enhanced status among male peers when one was good at it, or alternatively greater susceptibility to racial abuse on the sports field when tensions were high:

Ability in the academic sphere was also helpful in negotiating entry to peer groups, and through co-operation in a group project, Sam integrated himself successfully into an academic boys peer group (Sean, Tom and Patrick):

A different pattern was notable among girls in Mr O'Reilly's class, however. Initial observations and sociometric analysis indicated the prevalence of positive inter-ethnic nominations at the start of the school year and the popularity of Sarah, a Muslim girl who had arrived in the class just three months previously. However, over the course of the year, a clear polarisation in friendship patterns occurred between the minority and majority ethnic girls. By the end of the school year, the three minority ethnic girls in the class (Sarah, Elisabeth and Sharon) were a distinct cluster, separate from their majority ethnic peers. Many factors contributed to their relative isolation. The first was the high status that appeared to be given to newly arrived girls among the female peer group, and the supplanting of Sarah by Joanna, a newly arrived majority ethnic girl, halfway through the school year. Sarah's sense of hurt at her displacement is reflected when she says:

However, as was the case with boys, sharing common interests (spoken of in the interviews as ‘likes the same things, likes your ideas and someone you can agree with’) was also an important precursor to the cementing and continuation of friendships among the girls. This was encapsulated in the importance that was placed on ‘girl’ talk as a bonding ritual between the majority ethnic girls (and on occasion between them and the researcher) and revolved mainly around fashion and physical appearance, as well as discussions about boys. Such talk could have negative implications for the inclusion of minority ethnic girls (including Traveller children), and was something they were acutely sensitive to. This is reflected in Lisa's comment above related to concealing her Traveller status, and also Elisabeth's perception that, as a Nigerian girl she felt she was unpopular because other girls did not like her hair. Sarah, a Muslim girl, commented on her reluctance to participate in typical romance/boy talk that was increasingly prevalent among majority ethnic girls in her class:

Opportunities to shine through co-operative group work did not appear to have the same positive impact on inter-ethnic relations for these girls, who were ranked as mid to low achievers by Mr O'Reilly. While Elisabeth and Sharon struggled to maintain friendships with majority ethnic girls in the class, Sarah sought out Muslim girls in other classes and played with them during break time.

It would be a mistake however to presume that shared ethnic identity is necessary to the formation of friendship bonds, a factor that can often be assumed by teachers with respect to minority ethnic children (Devine, 2005). Interview data from another class in the school (Ms Murphy, Grade 5) highlighted the dissonance that can occur within a particular ethnic group, in this case Muslim girls, as levels of adherence to certain traditions and rituals became a marker of inclusion/exclusion between them:

Dynamics of inclusion and exclusion that are intertwined with those of sameness and difference are reflected in this excerpt as Karina speaks of the competitiveness among peers for friends (‘she took Karla away from me’) as well as the sense of isolation by being excluded (‘they just wouldn't let me in’). The excerpt also indicates how simple stereotypes regarding ethnic and cultural identity ignore the hybrid forms this can take in differing cultural and social contexts, resulting in dynamics of inclusion/exclusion based on sameness/difference within ethnic groups as much as between them. Significantly, Karina was a girl who explicitly identified with stereotypical Irish norms and during the course of the interview referred proudly to her holding an Irish passport, as well as her participation in swimming activities and Gaelic football.

Conclusion

When children say they ‘don't want to get picked on by anyone’, this raises questions not only about inclusion and exclusion in children's friendship groups but also about the reasons why they are ‘picked’ on and marked out as ‘different’. Though it is often invisible to adults, child culture presents to children a world that is simultaneously fun and risky, within which they must position themselves as competent social negotiators, building alliances and friendships that are open to fluctuation and change. While this social positioning is an active process, it is also deeply embedded in the politics of recognition (Fraser, 2000; Young, 1990) that derives from ethnic and gendered norms that prevail in the society at large. Children, no less than adults, exercise power with one another, drawing on dominant discourses of normality and ‘otherness’ in their inclusionary/exclusionary practices. While the analysis has highlighted the children's perception of difference, and the way that, for majority ethnic children this is firmly embedded in cultural stereotypes about what it means to be ‘Irish’, the data also demonstrate the strategies that minority ethnic children employ in coping with these norms. Such strategies are mediated by both gender and ability and, although this aspect is not significantly developed in this article, social class, and they were apparent in the more intensive case-study analysis of Mr O'Reilly's class over the school year.

For minority ethnic boys, dominant constructions of masculinity which revolved around being good at something, but especially sport, facilitated the successful integration of these boys into distinct male peer groups. This, coupled with the tendency for boys to play in large groups during playtime, appeared to provide them with significant opportunities for mixing and networking with their male peers. A question arises, however, as to the potential integration of boys who do not conform to dominant constructs of masculinity. For newly arrived minority ethnic girls, their initial high status among female peers gave way to different experiences of inclusion and exclusion, dependent upon their ability to find common ground with others and to negotiate their entry into relatively exclusive friendship groups. Identity work was clearly involved in these processes as cultural and gendered norms conflicted. Dominant constructs of femininity—especially an emphasis on boy talk, fashion and appearance—within the talk of majority ethnic girls, rendered it difficult for minority ethnic girls who differed from this norm. While Sarah played with two Muslim girls in another class (in so doing heightening her ‘other’ status among peers in her own class but providing her with feelings of inclusion in school), Elisabeth and Sharon struggled at the fringes of the female peer network—their ethnic ‘otherness’ clearly positioning them in exclusionary terms. In two other classes, the successful integration of both Karina (Muslim) and Lisa (Traveller) into female peer groups coincided with their overt affiliation with dominant ethnic and gendered norms, giving rise to some criticism from within their own ‘ethnic’ groups.

The implications of such findings for policy can be considered on a number of levels. At a broader level, the analysis highlights the complexity of the children's social world and challenges any benign interpretation of children's interaction that draws on overly paternalistic and individualistic assumptions about their behaviour. As competent agents (Brembeck and others, 2004), children know what they do and why they do it—responding to the challenges and opportunities of peer group membership in the context of the cultural, social, emotional and material resources they have at their disposal (Devine, 2003). Policy must take account of this complexity as well as children's competency, acknowledging the multi-layered strands of identity that influences their positioning with one another in school. At the level of implementation, whole school planning for equality, diversity and social inclusion needs to be undertaken that is relevant to the particular context of each school, while sensitive to national guidelines and best practice in the area. Particular attention should be given to the inclusion of newly arrived children to the school and the establishment of support structures (e.g. a ‘buddy’ system) to facilitate their integration. A charter of social relations should be included with an emphasis on respecting all forms of diversity in peer and pupil/teacher relations. The inclusion of the voices of parents and children from minority as well as majority ethnic groups, should be central to such planning. This in itself requires a commitment to the development of trusting and supportive relations between school personnel and members of the broader parent community and was something which both Mr Robinson and Ms Macken in Oakleaf Primary were committed to doing. However, racism and anti-racism needs to be confronted and named in such planning, moving beyond the tendency to tackle prejudicial behaviour solely within an anti-bullying framework and failing to acknowledge issues related to power, identity and the politics of difference in social relations in school. Such planning should also seek to empower children to name and confront all forms of prejudicial and exclusionary behaviour when it arises.

At the level of classroom practice, inclusive pedagogies need to be developed that provide an increased awareness of cultural diversity without stereotyping and further labelling minority ethnic children as different and outside the norm. Teachers need to undergo their own identity work in this respect (e.g. what does it mean to be Irish? What are the norms I adhere to?) in order to be able to incorporate sensitively the experiences and life worlds of a diverse group of pupils into effective classroom learning. Furthermore, while strategies such as co-operative learning and group project work, such as those employed by Mr O'Reilly, were effective in promoting positive inter-ethnic relations, teachers also need to be sensitive to how particular constructs of masculinity and femininity mediate children's interaction with one another as well as their engagement in a broad range of school activities. Developing an awareness of and sensitivity to the dynamics of child culture and the actual friendship patterns among children in the classroom is an important element here, enabling teachers to plan more effectively for the needs of children who are positioned at the margins of children's social world.

Contributors’ details

Dr Dympna Devine is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Education and Lifelong Learning, University College Dublin. She has a number of publications in the area of Childhood Studies focusing on children's rights and participation in schooling, ethnic studies and children's social and economic welfare.

Ms Mary Kelly is a primary school teacher, currently on secondment as assistant national co-ordinator with the primary curriculum support programme. She completed her MEd in the School of Education and Lifelong Learning, University College Dublin, in 2003.